MOST  REV.  J.  B.  SALPOINTE,  D,  D., 

ARCHBISHOP   OF  TOMI, 

FORMERLY    ARCHBISHOP    OF    SANTA    FE  ,    NEW   MEXICO. 


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Most  Rev.  J.  B,  SALPOIJ\'TE,  iX  D,, 

ARCHBISHOP    OF    TOMI, 

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Copyright  1898,    Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1898  in  the  otiice 
of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington  ,  D,  ('. 


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PREFACE. 


Within  the  memory  of  persons  yet  living,  the  present 
territories  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  with  part  of  Colorado, 
and  other  districts  beyond  the  scope  of  this  volume  formed 
portion  of  the  colonial  empire  of  Spain.  Then,  within  less 
than  thirty  years,  various  influences  changed  Mexico  from  a 
colony  to  an  independent  empire,  and  again  to  a  republic,  and 
afterwards  led  to  the  acquisition  by  the  United  States  of  the 
central  district  above  referred  to. 

An  account  of  this  district,  now  the  Archdiocese  of  Santa 
Fe  with  the  dioceses  of  Denver  and  Tucson,  is  the  subject  of 
the  present  volume,  which  deals  less  with  matters  belonging 
to  civil  government,  than  with  the  religious  interests  of  the 
population  of  the  district.  How  the  first  missionaries  came 
among  the  Indian  tribes  ;  how  the  early  missions  were  estab- 
lished and  maintained  in  spite  of  difficulties  of  many  kinds  ; 
how  the  good  work  has  been  continued,  with  growing  success, 
down  to  our  own  days — these  are  the  subjects  that  have  been 
of  most  interest  to  the  wTiter,  as  a  missionary  priest  to  whom 
it  was  given  to  tread  in  the  footsteps  of  the  early  Franciscans 
and  Jesuits  of  the  Southwest.  His  desire  has  been  to  place  on 
record  something,   at  least,   of  the  lives  of  those  missionaries, 

28G106 


VI  PREFACK, 

who  lived  a  life  of  peril,  and  died,  often  at  the  hands  of  savage 
men,  where  the  reader  ma^'  now  worship  in  a  quiet  and  peace- 
ful sanctuar}'. 

Living,  as  the  writer  did  in  his  early  missionary  life, 
among  people  who  had  just  witnessed  man}'  transitions  and 
were  still  affected  by  them,  it  was  natural  that  he  should  be  led 
to  speak  of  the  contrast  between  the  present  and  the  past.  We 
have  the  Indian  tribes  still  with  us,  and  we  recognize,  as  the 
Spanish  did,  that  the  Indian  does  not  take  readilj'  to  civilized 
life.  The  treatment  of  the  Indians  adopted  by  the  Spanish 
government  was  founded  on  Christian  and  humane  methods, 
which  were  found  bj^  experience  to  lead  to  the  gradual  settle- 
ment and  civilization  of  the  Indians;  while  we,  although  we  are 
now  at  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  formally  recognize  a 
S3'stem  which  ignores  all  religious  influences  and  has  for  its 
avowed  object  the  gradual  extinction  of  the  Indian  race. 
Under  the  present  system,  during  the  half  century  since  it  came 
into  operation,  more  lives  have  been  sacrificed  than  during 
three  centuries  of  Spanish  rule.  *) 

On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  evident  to  the  reader  that 
the  connection  of  the  missionaries  with  the  earlj^  Spanish  mili- 
tary explorers  and  governors,  although  a  decided  advantage  to 
the  civil  power,  was  a  great  obstacle  to  the  full  success  of  the 
work  of  the  missionaries.  While  admiring  the  spirit  in  which 
the  Church  and  its  work  were  sustained  by  the  Spanish  civil 
power,  the  author  is  convinced,  that  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  guaranteeing  full  liberty  of  conscience  and 
worship  to  every  individual,  a  wider  and  more  fruitful  field  is 
thrown  open  to  the  missionar^^  of  the  present  time, 

"The  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  Church," 
and  we  may  well  hope,  that  this  beautiful  land  of  the  Southwest, 

*)  The  only  serious  loss  of  life  recorded  in  Spanish  times  is  the  slaughter  of 
4,000  Apaches  by  a  Huguenot  colony  in  1696.    See  page  87. 


Prkface.  VII 

the  first  portion  of  the  United  States  territorj^  to  receive  the 
faith  of  Christ  to  any  extent,  will,  as  it  continues  to  advance 
in  population  and  prosperity,  alwa^^s  recognize  the  supreme 
importance  of  its  religious  interests. 

The  author,  since  his  retirement  from  the  active  duties  of 
missionary  life,  has  found  much  pleasure  in  the  records,  as  far 
as  these  were  accessible  to  him,  of  early  times  in  the  districts 
familiar  to  him  for  the  past  forty  years.  Some  of  these  records 
are  difficult  to  procure,  and  some  are  in  Latin  or  Spanish.  It 
has  been  the  aim  of  the  writer  to  place  before  the  general 
reader  an  account  of  those  interesting  events  of  which  people 
at  present  have  little  more  than  a  vague  tradition.  He  is 
deeply  indebted  to  the  Rev.  B.  Florian  Hahn,  who  super- 
intended the  printing  of  the  book  by  the  Indian  boys  under 
his  charge  at  St.  Boniface's  Industrial  School,  Banning,  Cal. ; 
and  to  another  priest,  who  kindly  read  the  proof  sheets,  as 
the}-  came  from  the  printer. 


CONTENTS. 


The  Colonial  Period  from  1538  to  1821. 

PRELIMINARY   CHAPTER. 

The  Aborigines.  Universality  of  the  flood,  at  least  in  respect  to  man- 
kind.—  The  unity  of  race  for  all  men.  —  Tradition  among  the 
Indians,  alluding  to  a  universal  deluge.  —  The  same  existing 
among  the  Pima  and  Papago  tribes.  —  How  the  Aborigines,  pos- 
sibly came  to  this  country Page  1  to  6 

CHAPTER  I. 

Ethics  and  Customs  of  the  Indians. — Marriages. — Burials. — Medicine 
Men. — Religion Page  7  to  15 

CHAPTER  11. 

What  Was  the  Condition  of  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico  at  the  Time 
OF  the  Expedition  of  Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado  into  that 
Country,  a.  d.  1540  ?  —  Religion.  —  The  Dance  of  Entertainment. 
—  The  War  Dance.  —  Religious  Dances.  —  Government  of  the 
Indians Page  16  to  24 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  Explorations  of  the  Spaniards  From  Mexico  Towards  the  North. 
What  were  th'e  Reasons  of  three  successive  Expeditions,  between 
the  Years  1530  and  1540  to  New  Mexico  or  Cibola,  the  Country  of 
the  vSeven  Cities,  as  it  was  then  Called  ?  (1)  The  expedition  of 
Nuno  deGusman  in  1630,  (2)  The  Naval  expedition  of  Fernando 
Cortez  in  1528.  (3)  The  expedition  of  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza 
in  1539.  (4)  The  Expedition  of  Francisco  Yasquez  de  Coronado 
in  1540.  (5)  The  Naval  Expedition  of  Fernando  Alarcon.  (6) 
Some  Remarks  of  the  Writer,  Explaining  the  Expedition  of 
Coronado Page  25  to  40 


X  Contexts. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

The  First  Missioxary  Work  in  thePi-eblos  of  New  Mexico. — (1)  Mar- 
tyrdom of  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  Luis  de  Escalona,  Juan  de 
Santa  Maria,  Francisco  de  Loi)ez  and  Augustin  Ruiz.  (2)  The 
Expedition  of  Don  Antonio  de  Espejo Page  41  to  46 

CHAPTER  V. 

Thk  Expedition  of  Don  Juan  de  OSate,  Bringing  CoLO^^zERs  and 
Christianizers  To  New  Mexico.  The  first  Spanish  Colony 
established  in  New  Mexico.  — First  Church  built  for  the  Colony 
and  for  the  Indians  the  of  San  Juan  Pueblo  1598.  —  The  City  of 
Santa  Fe  founded  in  1605.  —  Building  of  several  other  Churches, 
and  great  success  of  the  missionaries  among  the  Indians  of  the 
Pueblos Page  47  to  53 

CHAPTER  V^I. 

The  Condition  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  in  1626.  (1)  The 
Nation  or  People  who  live  on  the  way  to  New  INIexico.  (2)  The 
Nation  called  "The  Manzos,"  Peaceable  Indians  on  Rio  del 
Norte.  (3)  The  Beginning  of  the  Apache.  (4)  Province  and 
Nation  of  the  Piros,  Senecu,  Socorro,  formerly  Pelabo,  and 
Sevilleta,  to-day  La  Joya.  (5)  Teoa  (Tigua)  Nation.  (6)  The 
Nation  of  the  Que  res.  (7)  The  Nation  of  the  Tompiros.  (8)  The 
Nation  of  the  Tanos.  (9)  The  Nation  of  the  Pecos.  (10)  La 
Villa  de  Santa  Fe.  (11)  The  Nation  Toas  (Tegua).  (12)  The 
Nation  of  the  Hemes  (Jemes).  (13)  The  Nation  of  the  Pecuries. 
(14)  The  Nation  of  the  Taos.  (15)  The  Rock  of  Acoma.  (16) 
The  Zufii  Nation.  (17)  The  Moqui  Nation.  (18)  An  attempted 
Conversion  of  the  Apache.  (19)  Coming  in  Contact  with  the 
the  Apache  Navajo.  (20)  The  Xumana  Nation.  (21)  How  did 
the  Religious  Employ  Particularly  their  Time? Page  54  to  63 

CHAPTER    VII. 

The  Pueblo  Revolt  Under  the  Government  of  Otermin.  Eighteen 
Priests,  Three  Lay  Brothers  and  Three  Hundred  and  Eighty 
Spaniards  killed. — Flight  of  Gov.  Otermin  leaving  Santa  Fe  in 
the  Power  of  the  Rebellious  Indians. — A  Human  Sacrifice,  the 
only  one  recorded  in  the  Annals  of  the  North.  —  King  Traquillo 
establishing  his  residence  in  the  Moqui  Villages. — Establishment 
of  the  'Presidio'  Military  Post,  of  El  Paso  del  Norte  and  founda- 
tion of  the  Pueblos  of  Senecu,  Isleta  and  Socorro  (Teocas) 
Page  64  to  72 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

The  Government  of  Vargas  and  the  Reconquest  of  New  Mexico 
. .' Page  73  to  77 


Contents.  ,  XI 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Government  of  Vargas  Coxtinded.  (1)  Resettlement  of  Santa  Fe 
authorized  in  1693.  (2)  War  against  the  Tanos  and  other  Pueblos 
at  Santa  Fe.  (3)  Trouble  again  with  the  Pueblos.  (4)  The  Missions 
Provided  with  new  Priests.  (5)  Foundation  of  the  Villa  de  Santa 
Cruz,  1695.     (6)  New  Revolt  of  the  Indians,  1695. .   Page  78  to  88 

CHAPTER    X. 

The  SrccESSiON  of  the  Governors  from  1700  to  1800.  (1)  The  Admin- 
istration of  Don  Pedro  Rodriguez  Cubero.  (2)  Vargas,  Governor 
of  New  Mexico  for  the  Second  Time,  1703.  (3)  Don  Francisco 
Cuervo  y  Valdez  made  Governor,  1705.  (i)  The  Foundation  of 
the  Villa  of  Albuquerque,  1706.  (5)  Don  Jose  Chacon  Medina 
Salazar,  1707.  (6)  Don  Juan  Ignacio  Flores  Mogollon,  1712.  (7) 
Don  Felix  Martinez,  October,  1715.  (8)  Governors  J.  Domingo 
Bustamante,  Gervasio  Crusat  y  Goryira.  (9)  Governors  Olvide, 
Domingo  and  Codallos.  (10)  Governors  Tomas  Veles  Capuchin, 
Francisco  Antonio  Marin  del  Valle.  (11)  Governors  Portillo, 
Capuchin,  Mendinueta,  Anza.  (12)  Governors  Fernando  de  la 
Concha  and  Fernando  Chacon Page  89  to  103 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Impending  Diffici'lties  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States. 
Governor  Alencaster  and  his  vSuccessors  Manrique,  Mainez  and 
Allande.  The  Trade  with  the  Western  Provinces  of  the  United 
States  Assuming  Large  Proportions.  (1)  The  Fall  of  the  Spanish 
Rule  in  the  Mexican  Colonies.  (2)  The  Trade  Between  New 
Mexico  and  the  Western  Cities  of  the  United  States.  (3)  Fall  of 
the  Spanish  Rule  in  Mexico Page  104  to  111 

CHAPTER  XIL 

Some  Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Colonization  and  the  Government  of 
Spain  in  Mexico.  Objections  Answered.  (1)  Was  the  Govern- 
ment of  Spain  a  Tyrannical  One  in  the  Possessions  of  New  Spain? 
(2)  Fanaticism  for  the  Extension  of  the  Catholic  Religion.  (3) 
The  Greediness  of  the  Spaniards  for  Gold  and  Riches ..  P.  112  to  121 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Priests  who  Worked  in  the  Missions  op  New  Mexico.  (1)  Names  of 
the  Priests  who  worked  in  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  from 
1540,  when  this  Country  was  Explored  by  Coronado,  to  1821,  the 
Date  of  the  Mexican  Independence.  (2)  How  Did  the  Missionaries 
Introduce  Themselves  to  the  Tribes  to  Establish  Jlissions  for 
Them  ? — Visits  of  the  Bishops  of  Durango  to  the  Missions  of  New 
Mexico,  in  the  years  1737  and  1760 Page  122  to  128 


XII  Contexts. 

CHAPTER  XIY. 

The  Work  of  the  Missionaries  in  What  is  Now  Arizona  During  the 
Period  of  Colonization.  (1)  Explorations.  (2)  The  Jesuit 
Missionaries.  (3)  The  Franciscan  Fathers  Succeed  the  Jesuits 
in  the  Missions  of  the  Province  of  Sonora.  (4)  Names  of  the 
Missionaries  who  Worked  Among  the  Tribes  of  the  Country  now 
Called  Arizona Page  129  to  144 

CHAPTER  XV. 

A  Last  Glance  at  the  Indians.  (1)  Were  the  Aborigines  Very 
Numerous  at  that  Epoch?  (2)  The  Hostile  Tribes.  (3)  The 
Pueblo  Indians  of  To-day Page  145  to  150 


PART    TWO. 

Period  of  the  Mexican  Rule, 
chapter  i. 

The  First  Mexican  Empire.  The  Independence  of  Mexico  recognized 
by  the  United  States.  — The  Monroe  Doctrine  Accepted  by  the 
United  States.  —  Emperor  Iturbide  Resigns.  —  His  Death 
Page  153  to  158 

CHAPTER   II. 
La  Republica  de  Mexico Page  159  to  165 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  New  Mexico  People  Rebel  Against  the  Government    P.  166  to  170 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Independence  of  Texas  and  its  Annexation  to  the  United  States. 
The  Invasion  of  New  Mexico.  (1)  The  Independence  of  Texas 
and  its  Annexation  to  the  United  States.  (2)  The  Invasion  of 
New  Mexico.  (3)  The  New  Mexicans  Revolt.— Treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo.  (4)  Names  of  the  Priests  who  Administered  the  Mis- 
sions of  New  Mexico  Under  the  Mexican  Rule Page  171  to  179 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Missions  of  Arizona  Under  the  Mexican  Rule.  Secularization 
of  the  Church  Property.  —  Description  of  the  Church  of  San 
Xavier Page  180  to  188 


Contents.  XIII 

part  three. 
Period  of  the  United  StatEvS  Government. 

chapter  i. 

The  Beginning  of  the  American  Rule Page  191  to  193 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  Creation  of  the  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  New  Mexico  ...  P.  194  to  201 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  Vicar  Apostolic  of  New  Mexico  Goes  East  in  Search  of  Sisters 
TO  Conduct  a  Girls'  School  in  Santa  Fe Page  202  to  205 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Vicariate  of  New  Mexico  Raised  to  the  Rank  of  an  Episcopal 
See.    The  Vicar  Apostolic  Goes  to  Europe  for  Priests. .P.  206  to  209 

CHAPTER  V. 

More  Priests  and  More  Teachers  Needed  in  the  Diocese.  (1)  The 
Bishop  of  Santa  Fe  Early  in  1859,  sends  His  Vicar  General,  Rev. 
Peter  Eguillon  to  Europe  for  Christian  Brothers  and  New  Mis- 
sionaries. (2)  The  Start  of  the  Missionaries  for  Santa  Fe.  (3) 
The  Caravan  Moves  on  From  Kansas  City.  (4)  Buffalo  Chasing. 
(5)  The  End  of  the  Journey Page  210  to  223 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Territories  of  Arizona  and  of  Colorado  Annexed  to  the 
Diocese  OF  Santa  Fe.  (1)  Arizona.  (2)  Colorado;  Right  Rev. 
Joseph  Machebeuf;  Rev.  John  Baptist  Raverdy P.  224  to  233 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  First  Schools  Established  Outside  of  Santa  Fe.  .  .Page  234  to  241 

CHAPTER    VIII. 
Missionaries  Sent  From  Santa  Fe  to  Arizona Page  242  to  249 

CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Missionaries  Commence  Their  Work  in  Arizona.  .  .Page  250  to  254 

CHAPTER    X. 
What  Means  of  Support  Had  the  Priests  in  Arizona?  .  .  .  Page  255  to  258 


XIV  Contexts. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Territory  of  Arizona  Made  a  Vicariate  Apostolic.  .  .  Page  259  to  264 

CHAPTER    XII. 
Santa  Fe  made  an  Archdiocese Page  2t>5  to  271 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Archbishop  Halpointe  in  Santa  Fe.  Archbishop  Cliapelle  in  Santa 
Fe.  —  Cardinal  Gibbons  and  Cardinal  Satolli  in  Santa  Fe.  —  List 
of  Priests Page  272  to  283 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
The  Sisters  of  Mercy  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona.  .  .Page  284  to  285 

CHAPT^^R  XV. 

Summary  of  the  Ietroduction  of  the  Catholic  Religion  and  Build- 
ing OF  Churches  in  New  Mexico  During  the  Colonial  Period 
Page  286  to  288 

Appendix Page  289  to  296 

Index Page  297 


SOLDIERS  OF  THE  CROSS, 


PART  FIRST. 


THE   COLONIAL   PERIOD. 


PART   I, 
THE    COLONIAL    PERIOD. 

PRELIMINARY     CHAPTER. 
The  Aborigines,     (i) 

Without  passing  any  judgment  on  the  opinions,  either  of 
ethnologists  or  of  some  serious  students  of  the  sacred  books,  as 
to  the  origin  of  the  American  Indians,  we  simply  follow  the 
text  of  the  book  of  Genesis,  and  hold  that  the  deluge  destro3^ed 
all  men,  Noah  and  the  members  of  his  family  excepted  ;  and 
also  all  kinds  of  living  animals,  save  those  which,  by  order  of 
God,  had  been  enclosed  in  the  ark  ;  no  matter  whether  the 
flood  was  universal  or  only  partial  in  regard  to  the  earth.  In 
other  words,  we  admit  the  universality  of  the  deluge,  at  least, 
as  far  as  required  by  the  purpose  God  had  in  view,  viz.  :  The 
destruction  of  all  animated  creation.  "He  said  :  I  will  destroy 
man,  whom  I  have  created,  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  from 
man  even  to  beasts,  from  the  creeping  things  even  to  the  fowls 
of  the  air"  (Gen.  vi,  7).  As  a  consequence,  we  believe  that 
all  men  now  living  on  the  surface  of  the  earth,  have  come  from 
Noah  and  his  descendants.  To  these  it  was  said  by  God  when 
they  came  out  of  the  ark:     "Increase  and  multipl^^  and  fill 


(1)    Beginning  with  the  year  1538,  the  date  of  the  first  missions  in  the  hmd  now 
■called  Arizona. 

1 


2  Prelimi.vary  Chapter. — The  Aborigixes. 

the  earth"  (Gen.  ix,  i)  and  in  the  same  chapter,  verse  19,  it  is 
said  of  Sem,  Cham  and  Japhet,  the  sons  of  Noah:  "These 
three  are  the  sons  of  Noah,  and  from  these  was  all  mankind 
spread  over  the  whole  earth."  These  words  admit  no  excep- 
tion of  any  other  people  who  would  not  have  perished  in  the 
deluge.  Similarh',  all  animals  have  been  propagated  from  those 
which  Noah,  by  order  of  God,  had  enclosed  in  the  ark. 

This  interpretation  of  the  book  of  Genesis  is  the  most 
generally  accepted,  both  by  Catholics  and  non-Catholics. 
Among  the  latter,  we  can  refer  to  W.  Fraser,  G.  Rawlinson, 
Karl  Ritter  and  others  as  quoted  b}'  Herbert  W.  Morris.  ( i ) 
"The  very  first  historical  sections  of  the  Bible,"  sa^'s  Fraser, 
"so  long  held  in  contempt,  have,  of  late,  not  only  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  greatest  scholars,  but  have  won  their  homage. 
No  unbiased  scholar  will  now  dare  to  scoff  at  the  tenth  chapter 
of  Genesis.  It  sheds  so  much  light  on  the  first  movements 
of  different  people  and  on  the  foundation  of  empires,  that  it 
cannot  be  repudiated  without  injur>^  to  historical  science." 
Sir  H.  Rawlinson  adds  :  "The  tenth  chapter  of  Genesis,  is 
the  most  authentic  record  that  we  possess  for  the  afl&liation  of 
nations." 

Dr.  W.  H.  Morris  establishes  the  universality  of  the  flood 
in  respect  to  mankind  and  the  unity  of  the  human  race  by  the 
authority  of  Geo.  Rawlinson,  Baron  de  Humboldt,  John  Kitto 
and  others. 

"To  den}^  the  occurrence  of  a  deluge,"  says  Rawlinson, 
"or  to  conclude  that  in  respect  to  mankind,  it  was  partial, 
because  some  of  the  great  divisions  of  the  human  family-  had 
no  tradition  on  the  subject,  is  to  draw  a  conclusion  directly  in 
the  teeth  of  the  evidence. ' '  And  he  gives  the  proofs  of  a  con- 
sentient belief  on  the  matter.  More  particularly  on  the  unity 
of  race,  Humboldt  wrote:     "The  different  races  of  man  are 

forms  of  one  sole  species the  recognition  of  this  bond  of 

humanity  becomes  one  of  the  noblest  leading  principles  in  the 
histor}^  of  mankind."  John  Kitto,  on  the  same  subject,  says  : 
"That  all  the  tribes  and  nations  of  mankind  have  a  common 
origin,  is  the  doctrine  of  Scripture,  and  that  doctrine  has  been 


(1)    "Testimony  of  the  Ages,"    Deluge  and  Unity  of  Race.    (A.  L.  Bancroft,  San 
Francisco. ) 


Prelimixary  Chapter. — The  Aborigines.  3 

abundantly  confirmed  by  the  most  learned  and  able  researches 
into  the  ph^'sical  history-  of  man." 

According  to  Francisco  lyOpez  Gomora,  Antonio  de  Her- 
rera  and  others  mentioned  by  Juan  de  Solorzano,  ( i )  it  was 
found  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  that  the  aborig- 
ines had  some  traditions  alluding  to  a  universal  deluge.  The 
same  is  asserted  of  the  Pimas  by  Professor  John  A.  Spring  (2), 
who  has  recorded  their  tradition  on  the  subject.  Their  chiefs, 
they  say,  received  timely  notification  of  the  coming  flood  from 
the  eagle  and  the  'coyote'  (prairie  wolf) ;  So-Ho,  one  of  the 
chiefs,  prepared  a  boat  for  himself  and  family.  The  boat 
floated  around  during  the  storm  and  landed  on  the  Santa 
Rosa  mountain  (Arizona)  when  the  flood  subsided.  Every- 
thing on  earth,  as  the^^  say,  was  destroyed  and  all  the  Pimas 
perished,  except  the  good  So-Ho,  who  had  listened  to  the 
advice  of  the  great  spirit  transmitted  to  him  by  the  'Coj'ote.' 
This  is  substantially  what  can  be  made  out  of  the  extensive 
fabulous  details  given  by  the  Indians  to  Mr.  Spring,  but  this 
is  enough  to  show  that  this  tradition  of  the  Pimas  is  in  con- 
formity with  Moses  about  the  fact  of  a  universal  deluge,  if  not 
about  its  real  circumstances. 

Here  arises  the  question:  If  all  men  have  descended  from 
Noah,  where  did  they  start  from  to  come  to  the  New  World, 
and  which  way  did  they  take  to  come  to  it? 

To  answer  this  twofold  question,  we  will  follow  the 
opinion  of  Antonio  de  Herrera,  Torquemada,  Joseph  Acosta 
and  others  named  by  Solorzano  already  mentioned,  and  say, 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World  came  from  different 
parts  of  the  Old  world,  and  from  difierent  branches  of  Noah's 
posterit}'.  When  it  became  evident  that  men  were  too  numer- 
ous to  live  together  in  the  lands  settled  by  their  ancestors,  it 
w^as  felt  necessary'  to  look  for  other  countries  where  the  surplus 
population  could  extend  itself  and  find  more  facilities  for  life. 
A  division  of  this  kind,  but  perhaps  not  the  first  among  the 
descendants  of  Noah,  took  place  after  the  confusion  of  the 
languages,  when  God  distributed  them  all  over  the  world, 
scattered  "abroad  into  all  lands."      (Gen.  xi,  4.) 


(1)  Solorzano,  "De  Indiarum  Jure." 

(2)  Arizona  Enterprise,  Jan.  12,  1893. 


4  PRELiirixARv  Chapter, — The  Aborigixes. 

As  to  the  possibility  for  men  to  have  come  from  the 
Ancient  World  to  the  New,  it  must  be  surmised  that  it  was 
provided  for  by  God,  even  without  any  miracle,  either  by  land 
or  by  water,  for  those  whom  He  had  destined  to  disseminate 
the  human  race  all  over  the  earth.  By  land,  north  and  south, 
where  the  continents  are  not  very  far  apart  from  each  other, 
and  many  have  been  formerly  in  communication  by  promon- 
tories or  islands,  which  may  have  been  cut  since  by  the  steady 
beating  of  the  billows,  or  by  subterranean  commotions,  which 
may  have  changed  the  level  of  the  seas.  This  has  been  the 
case  with  the  strait  of  Gibraltar  which  formerly  was  obstructed 
b}^  reefs  which  now  remain  far  below  the  surface  of  the  water. 
As  the  Indians  of  the  New  World  had  no  letters,  as  stated  by 
Solorzano  ( i )  but  only  some  pictures  to  keep  the  remembrance 
of  some  particular  events,  it  has  been  almost  impossible  to  have 
from  them  an^^  reliable  information  about  the  migration  of 
their  forefathers  to  this  continent.  Some  of  them,  however, 
have  kept  the  tradition,  that  they  have  come  from  a  land, 
which  was  separated  from  this  one  onty  by  some  not  considera- 
ble extent  of  water. 

As  an  instance,  here  is  what  we  were  told,  in  1866,  by  one 
of  the  San  Xavier  Papago  Indians,  Juan  Solorza,  who  was 
tolerably  conversant  with  the  Spanish  language,  and  by  no 
means  inclined  to  believe  most  of  the  fabulous  tales  of  his 
people.  Having  asked  him,  one  day,  whether  he  knew  where 
the  Papagos  had  come  from,  and  how  they  had  reached  this 
country',  he  said  he  heard  several  times  the  old  men  telling  in 
the  "platicas  de  noche"  (night  conversations)  that  their 
fathers,  long  ago,  had  come  from  a  far  away  countr\'  to  this 
one  ;  that  they  had  to  wade  a  river,  which  was  neither  very 
deep  nor  ver>'  wide  ;  but  that,  during  the  process  of  crossing, 
which  could  not  be  effected  in  a  short  time  as  they  were  many, 
the  water  commenced  to  rise  and  became  so  deep,  that  many 
of  those  who  intended  to  leave  their  country-,  could  not  do  so. 
The  same  Indian  added :  '  "It  is  the  opinion  of  the  old  men 
that  we  have  many  parientes  (kinsfolks)  in  the  country'  we 
have  come  from. 


(1)    "De  Indiarum  Jure." 


Prelimixary  Chapter. — The  Aborigines.  5 

This  tradition  favors  well  enough  the  possibility  of  a  way 
b}-  land,   no  matter  if  we  place  it  north  or  south.      But  in  the 
supposition  that  the  descendants  of  Noah  would  have  had  to 
cross  over  some  extent  of  water,   could  we  reasonably  imagine 
that  they  had   no   idea   of  navigation,    and   could   not    have 
fashioned    canoes    or    rafts    of    some   kind,     no    matter   how 
primitive,   in  which  thej^  could  cross  some  stretches  of  water, 
especially   if  the^^  had  in  sight  lands  to  guide  them?     This 
cannot  be  thought  of.      Nature,  indeed,   is  a  good  teacher,   and 
the    Indians   who,    as   is   known,    take   notice   of  all   natural 
facts,   must  have  always  profited  by   her  lessons.     They  have 
seen,  at  all  times,  dry  sticks  or  logs  of  wood  floating  on  the 
surface  of  the  water,   and  very  likel)^  have  used  them  of  old, 
as  the  Yumas  do  to-day,   to  cross  the  Colorado  or  to  follow  its 
course  down  as  far  as  required.      For  a  Yuma,   to  ride  a  stick 
on  the  river,  and  to  carrv^  on  it  his  little  luggage,  is  of  common 
occurrence,    and  it  seems  to  the  bystander  the  easiest  thing  to 
be  done.      In  fact,  what  is  required  for  a  voyage  of  that  kind, 
is  to  pick  up  a  convenient  stick  or  pole  from  among  the  many 
that  generally  lie  on  the  shore,   and  to  tie  at  one  end  of  it  the 
bundle   of  garments   and   some   food,    if  necessary',    for   they 
consider  it  easier  to  return  by  land,   than  by  water  up  the 
river.     After  the    tying  of  the  baggage,   the  man  sitting  on 
the  other  end,  sets  out,   breast  deep  in  the  water,   rowing  with 
his   hands,    while   the   package,    which,    of  course,    must   be 
lighter  than  the  man,  goes  ahead  of  him,   protruding  above  the 
surface   of  the   river,    high   enough   to   be   protected   against 
moisture.     In  case  it  be  necessary  to  carr}^  heavy  loads,    then 
a  raft  is  built  by  tying  or  coupling  logs  together  with  ropes 
or  strips  of  raw  hide,  until  the  desired  space  for  the  cargo  is 
obtained.     In  regard  to  the  Yuma   Indian  women,    who  can 
cross  the  river  swimming  as  well  as  the  men,  they  use  another 
kind  of  embarkation  for  their  young  children,  when  they  want 
to  pass  them  from  one  side  to  the  other  of  the  river.     The 
process  is  ver\'  simple;  the  papoose  is  placed  in  a  rather  flat 
earthen   'olla'    (jug),    which   is  put  afloat,    and  then  pushed 
ahead  in  the  desired  direction  by  the  swimming  mother. 

This  is  what  the  Yumas  do  to-daj'-  and  what  they  did  in 
1538)    when,    for   the   first   time,    the}'   were   visited   by   the 


6  Preliminary  Chapter. — The  Aborigines. 

Franciscan  Fathers,  Fray  Juan  de  la  Asuncion  and  Fra}-  Pedro 
Nadal.  ( i )  The  Fathers,  unable  to  find  out  the  name  of  the 
river,  called  it  "El  Rio  de  las  Balsas,"  the  river  of  the  rafts,  on 
account  of  the  floating  apparatus  the  Indians  used  to  cross  it. 
From  this  it  can  be  inferred  that  the  aborigines,  who  came 
first  to  the  New  World,  must  have  had,  at  least,  a  similar 
knowledge  of  the  art  of  navigation. 

If  these  remarks,  which  we  have  ventured  on  the  authority 
of  many  good  historians,  are  not  acceptable  to  those  who  may 
come  across  them,  we  will  say,  with  Joseph  Acosta,  that  on  a 
matter  like  the  primitive  history  of  the  Indians,  it  is  easier  to 
disapprove  of  what  has  been  said,  than  to  state  something 
better. 


(1)    Cronica  Serafica  del  Colegio  de  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro  (lulroductiou). 


CHAPTER  I. 

Ethics  and  Customs  of  the  Indians. 


As  regards  the  ethical  condition  of  the  Indians  when 
found  on  this  continent,  it  would  be  very  difficult,  not  to  say 
impossible,  to  give  a  general  idea  of  the  morality  which 
prevailed  in  all  the  different  tribes.  As  stated  in  the  previous 
chapter,  the  first  inhabitants  of  the  New  World  must  have 
come  from  different  branches  of  Noah's  descendants;  hence, 
it  must  be  admitted  that  customs  and  morals  cannot  have 
been  exactly  identical  in  all  the  families  or  tribes.  The  extent 
of  the  country,  the  different  climates,  the  chiefs  who  com- 
manded and  many  other  circumstances  must  be  taken  into 
account  in  speaking  of  the  variety  of  rules  of  conduct  of  the 
different  agglomerations  of  people.  Among  the  "conquista- 
dores,"  some  would  take  notice  of  facts  which  were  unnoticed 
or  overlooked  by  others  ;  and  this  explains  the  contradictions 
which  are  found  between  writer  and  writer,  especially  on  the 
ethics  of  the  aborigines. 

Polygamy,  it  seems,  was  in  use  among  the  Indians  of 
this  continent,  at  least  among  their  chiefs  and  those  who 
could  support  several  wives ;  it  is  stated,  however,  that  in 
some  tribes,  there  existed  certain  rules  of  morality  which 
had  to  be  observed  by  married  people,  and  by  women 
especially.  Fernando  Alarcon,  who  explored  the  Colorado 
river  in  1540,  sa3^s,  that  he  found  a  tribe  in  which,  as  he 
was  told  by  his  interpreter,  polygamy  was  unknown.  He 
learned    also,    through   the    same    man,    that    these    Indians 


8  Ethics  axd  Customs  of  the  Indian's. 

punished  adulten'  with  death ;  that  a  girl  \vho  3-ielded  to 
seduction  was  never  asked  in  marriage,  and  that  union  between 
brother  and  sister  was  never  thought  of;  still,  in  the  same 
tribe,  sin  against  nature  was  tolerated,  and  even  sodomy  was 
sanctioned  by  the  chiefs.  This  abominable  practice  was  so 
widely  spread  among  the  aborigines  first  discovered,  that 
it  caused  the  monarchs  of  Spain  to  issue  schedules  in  1523 
and  1543,  ordering  those  in  authority  in  their  new  possessions, 
and  the  missionaries,  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  stop  the  evil 
at  once. 

We  have  it  from  Rev.  John  Chaucot,  who  was  the  parish 
priest  of  Yuma  for  over  twentj^  years,  that  the  chiefs  of  the 
Yuma  Indians,  at  least  some  of  them,  are  poh-gamists. 
Whether  it  was  so  with  other  Indians  of  the  same  tribe,  the 
priest  could  not  ascertain,  as  all  lived  out  of  his  jurisdiction  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  river,  which  is  taken  as  the  line  of  divis- 
ion between  Arizona  and  California. 

According  to  Prof.  Spring,  already  mentioned,  the  chiefs 
of  the  Pimas  and  the  individual  Indians  of  the  tribe,  who  can 
support  more  than  one  wife,  are  also  polygamists.  ( i )  The 
same  author  states  on  the  authority  of  Captain  Gossmann,  who 
had  been  agent  of  the  Pimas  for  three  j^-ears,  and  was  conver- 
sant with  the  language  of  the  tribe,  that  modesty  is  unknown 
to  those  Indians  ;  that  their  conversations,  even  in  the  presence 
of  their  children,  are  extremely  vulgar  and  offensive ;  that 
these  people  were  a  health}^  race  formerly,  the  men  brave  and 
honest,  the  women  chaste,  while  to-day,  they  suffer  from  foul 
diseases,  owing  to  the  advent  of  the  white  men  among  them. 
The  same  opinion  has  been  expressed  by  several  Indian  Agents 
in  their  reports  to  the  government,  as  also  by  old  residents  of 
Arizona.  This  is  the  reason  why  the  chief  of  the  Papago  In- 
dians of  Santa  Rosa  said  years  ago,  that  as  long  as  he  would 
have  authorit3%  he  would  never  permit,  that  an  American 
should  live  among  his  people. 

Of  the  Pimas  Mr.  Spring  sa^^s :  '  'They  believe  in  the 
existence  of  a  supreme  Being  or  Creator  whom  they  call 
"Prophet  of  the  Earth,"  and  also  in  an  evil  spirit,  "che-a-vurl." 


(1)    The  Pimas,  as  mostly  all  the  Yumas,  are  yet  in  the  state  of  paganism. 


Ethics  and  Customs  of  the  Indians.  9 

They  believe  that  their  spirits  will  pass  to  another  world  when 
the}'  die,  and  that  there  they  will  meet  those  that  have  gone 
before  them.  They  say  that  whenever  one  dies,  an  owl  carries 
the  soul  of  the  departed  away,  and  hence  they  fear  owls  (which 
they  never  kill),  and  they  consider  the  hooting  of  this  bird  as 

a  sure  omen  that  some  one  is  about  to  die The  Pimas 

have  no  form  or  religion  whatever,  and  have  neither  idols  nor 

images Thej"  care  little  or  nothing  for  the  life  hereafter, 

for  their  creed  never  promises  rewards  in  the  future  for  a  life 
well  spent,  nor  does  it  threaten  punishment  after  death  to  those 
who,  in  this  life,  act  badly." 

The  same  author  states  that  the  Pimas  have  a  confused 
traditional  knowledge  that  some  French  priests  visited  their 
country,  many  long  years  ago,  and  attempted  to  convert  them 
to  Christianity.  We  suppose  the  traditional  remembrance 
refers,  not  to  French  priests,  but  to  Father  Kino,  one  of  the 
Jesuit  missionaries,  who,  as  we  shall  see  later,  established  two 
missions  on  the  Gila  river  in  1694.  "But,"  continues  Mr. 
Spring,  "all  efforts  to  Christianize  the  Pimas  would  fail,  not 
because  any  of  them  would  oppose  any  such  attempts,  but 
because  they  all  w'ould  be  indifferent  to  the  new  teachings. ' ' 
This  is  a  mistake  of  Prof.  Spring.  From  what  we  know  of  the 
Pimas  for  a  long  time,  we,  on  the  contrary,  believe  that  these 
Indians  would  not  only  not  oppose  any  attempt  at  their  con- 
version, but  be  very  glad  to  have  Catholic  priests  to  instruct 
them.  A  request  to  that  effect  was  presented  earnestly  in  1866 
to  the  priest  ( i )  then  in  charge  of  the  missions  of  Arizona,  by 
the  chief,  Antonio  Azul,  if  we  remember  well,  a  man  who  had 
great  authority  in  his  tribe.  But  what  could  this  priest  do  ?  He 
had  only  another  clergyman  with  him  to  attend  to  the  spiritual 
w^ants  of  the  few,  it  is  true,  but  sparsely  located  people  of  the 
whole  Territor}^ ;  besides  he  had  not  the  means  to  build  either 
church  or  school  for  the  Indians,  who  could  not  contribute  any- 
thing for  such  buildings.  Moved  by  the  petition  of  the  Pima 
chieftain,  which  was  repeated  later  on,  the  priest  tried  to  find 
some  kind  of  room  iii  which  he  could  gather  the  Indians  at 
least  occasionally,  and  give  them  some  instruction.  He  ex- 
plained his  views  to  an  American,  who  was  trading  with  the 

(1)    The  priest  here  spoken  of  is  the  author  of  these  Notes  himself. 

1* 


10  Ethics  and  Custosis  of  the  Ixdians. 

Pimas,  hoping  that  he  might  get  some  help  from  him,  but  he 
was  mistaken.  "Oh  no,"  said  the  man  who  made  money  of 
the  Indians,  "what  is  the  use  of  giving  these  people  any  in- 
struction ?  They  are  good  enough  for  us  as  they  are,  and  we 
do  not  want  to  have  them  better."  The  same  request  for 
Catholic  priests  was  addressed  several-  times,  in  the  year  1893, 
to  the  parish  priest  of  Phoenix,  Rev.  Francis  X.  Jouvenceau, 
by  the  chief  of  the  Pimas,  who  live  on  Salt  River.  The  priest 
was  requested  to  go  to  the  village  and  say  mass  for  its  inhabi- 
tants. He  gladly  consented,  and  a  day  was  appointed  for  the 
desired  sacred  ceremony.  Meanwhile,  some  pious  persons  were 
sent  in  advance  to  teach  the  Indians  some  catechism  and  pray- 
ers. When  the  priest  arrived  at  the  village,  he  was  met  by  the 
whole  of  the  inhabitants,  attired  in  their  best  garments,  and 
accompanied  by  them  to  a  large  temporary  brush  chapel,  hastily 
built  for  the  purpose,  and  there  he  said  mass  and  preached  to 
them.  A  grand  day  it  was,  but  onl}^  too  short  for  the  good 
Pimas,  who  would  have  wished  to  keep  the  priest  with  them, 
at  least  a  longer  time.  Indeed,  this  is  a  good  proof  that  those 
Indians  are  not  so  very  indiflferent  to  religious  instruction. 
They  are  asking  for  it,  they  ask  for  the  bread  of  spiritual  life, 
but  circumstances  have  been,  and  are  yet  against  their  earnest 
and  just  demands.  The  Church  in  Arizona  is,  as  A^et,  quite 
unable  to  furnish  the  means  to  build  churches  and  schools  for 
the  Indians,  nor  can  it  hope  to  be  able  to  do  so,  unless  some 
day  it  is  enabled,  by  charitable  donations,  to  begin  a  work  so 
badly  needed. 

Some  might  object  by  saying  :  But  who  can  trust  the 
Indians  ?  Wh}'  did  they  not  keep  the  missionaries  when  they 
had  them  ? 

These  queries  can  be  answered  in  a  very  few  words.  We 
may,  of  course,  be  deceived  by  any  kind  of  people  and  none 
can  expect  more  good  faith  from  the  Indians,  who  are,  as  a 
rule,  fickle  and  inconstant,  than  from  other  people  who  often 
stand  by  their  word  for  considerations  which  are  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  Indians.  Still,  when  they  of  their  own  accord 
ask  a  thing,  there  is  some  good  reason  to  believe  that  they 
are  in  earnest,  and  that  they  will  not  change  their  mind 
wdthout  a  weighty  cause  for  it.     It  is  quite  true  that  the  Pimas 


Ethics  and  Customs  of  the  Indians.  11 

did  not  profit  b}^  the  instructions  of  the  first  missionaries.  But 
to  judge  aright,  we  must  refer  to  the  circumstances  in  which 
the  missions  were  established  on  the  Gila  River.  The  mission- 
aries made  their  explorations  in  the  country'  under  the  protec- 
tion of  military  expeditions,  which  were  generally  very  onerous 
to  the  Indians,  who,  in  man^^  instances,  had  to  deprive  them- 
selves of  their  provisions  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  soldiers  ; 
hence  the  hatred  the  Natives  bore  to  the  Spaniards  and  to  the 
missionaries  connected  with  them.  Had  these  been  alone  by 
themselves  in  the  country,  the  aborigines  would  not  have  mo- 
lested them,  because  they  could  see  that  the  religious  did  not 
wish  to  command,  but  to  do  good  to  their  fellow-men  by  instruct- 
ing them. 

Marriages,  according  to  Mr.  Spring,  are  entered  into 
without  ceremony,  and  are  never  considered  as  binding,  but 
can  be  dissolved  at  will  by  either  of  the  contracting  parties. 
The  sole  requisite  for  an  intended  union  is  the  consent  of  the 
girl  and  that  of  her  father.  The  woman  is  the  slave  of  the 
husband,  as  far  as  hard  labor  is  concerned,  and  this,  we  may 
say,  is  also  the  condition  of  woman  among  the  Papagos,  who 
claim  to  be  of  the  same  nation  as  the  Pimas.  With  them  she 
carries  water  and  food  for  the  house,  takes  care  of  the  children, 
and  does  all  the  menial  work.  In  her  spare  moments  she 
moulds  the  'ollas,'  earthen  jugs,  an  article  much  appreciated 
in  the  countr>^  on  account  of  the  property  it  has  of  keeping 
the  water  cool  in  the  summer  time.  ( i )  The  Papago  like  the 
Pima  woman,  makes  also  other  kinds  of  pottery  and  earthen 
ware,  and  when  she  wants  to  sell  some  of  these  articles  she 
has  to  carry  them  on  foot  to  the  market,  whilst  her  husband 
follows  her  lazily  on  horseback  to  receive  the  money  she  may 
make.  The  Papago  woman  carries  the  water  in  a  jug  on  her 
head,  and  the  wood,  the  pottery,  and  almost  everything  in 
the  'kijo,'  a  kind  of  sack  of  strong  net  work,  about  twenty 
eight  inches  high,  narrow  at  the  bottom,  and  about  thirty  inches 
wide  at  the  top,   and  conveniently  tied  to  four  sticks  which 


(1)  This  property  must  be  attributed  to  a  certain  quantity  of  very  fine  straw 
■which  the  Papago  women  mix  with  the  clay  to  prevent  the  cracking  of  their 
pottery  during  the  process  of  drying  it,  and  which  disappears  in  the  burning  of  the 
vessels,  giving  tuem  the  porosity  which  permits  transudation,  and  by  it  causes  the 
cooling  of  the  liquid  they  contain. 


12  Ethics  and  Customs  of  the  Indians. 

keep  it  open.     This  sack  or  dosser  rests  on  the  back,  and  is 
supported  by  means  of  a  strap  on  the  head  of  the  carrier. 

Burials:  The  Yumas,  up  to  the  date  of  this  writing 
(1895),  burn  their  dead,  generally  after  dark,  with  manifesta- 
tions of  real  grief.  Like  the  Pimas,  they  believe  that  the  souls 
of  the  departed  are  taken  away  by  an  owl,  and  when  they  hear 
this  bird  crjdng  at  night,  they  saj^  that  it  is  the  last  dead  mem- 
ber of  the  tribe  who  is  complaining.  They  burn  their  dead,  as 
they  say,  in  order  to  free  the  soul  from  the  body,  and  give  it 
an  opportunity  of  going  to  another  world.  They  fear  the  dead 
and  do  not  like  to  have  the  names  of  any  of  them  mentioned. 
If  somebod}',  by  way  of  condolence,  says  Father  Chaucot, 
speaks  to  a  Yuma  of  the  loss  he  has  sustained  in  the  person  of 
some  member  of  his  family',  he  stoops  down  and  does  not  an- 
swer a  word. 

The  Pimas,  and  those  of  the  Papagos  who  have  not  been 
converted  to  the  Catholic  religion,  bur^^  their  dead  in  a  sitting 
position.  The  former  dig  a  grave  in  the  hut  of  the  deceased, 
and,  when  the  corpse  has  been  covered,  the  hut  itself  is 
destroyed  and  the  debris  left  on  the  spot.  The  latter  tumulate 
the  bodies  of  their  departed  ones  in  mounds  of  rocks,  some 
distance  out  of  their  towns.  A  number  of  these  tumuli  can  be 
seen  yet  about  two  miles  southwest  of  the  San  Xavier  mission, 
between  two  hills.  The  pagan  Papagos,  as  we  were  told  by 
the  Indian  Juan  Solorza,  already'  mentioned,  believe  in 
metempsychosis  as  a  state  of  purification.  According  to  their 
belief,  the  soul  of  the  person  who  has  not  been  a  good  warrior, 
or  who  has  acted  wrongly  in  his  life,  is  sent  into  the  body  of 
some  animal,  where  it  has  to  remain  until  it  be  ready  to  enter 
the  next  world. 

Prof.  Spring  calls  the  attention  of  his  readers  to  a  practice 
observed  among  the  Pimas,  which  seems  similar  to  that  of  the 
Mosaic  law.  He  sa^-s:  "Women  during  childbirth  and  during 
the  continuance  of  their  menses,  retire  to  a  hut  built  for  this 
purpose  in  the  vicinity  of  their  dwelling  place.  Men  never 
enter  these  huts  when  occupied  by  women,  and  the  latter,  while 
there,  have  separate  blankets,  and  eat  from  dishes  used  by  no 
one  else." 


Ethics  and  Customs  of  the  Indians.  13 

From  the  same  author  we  take  the  statement  that  the 
Pima,  whose  arrow  has  killed  an  Apache,  is  considered  unclean, 
and  must  remain  for  sixteen  days  out  of  his  village,  entirely- 
deprived  of  all  communication  with  his  people.  During  the 
length  of  his  purification  nobody  can  approach  him,  except  an 
old  woman,  appointed  by  the  tribe  to  carry  food  to  him.  The 
Papagos,  as  we  were  told  years  ago,  practiced  as  strictly  the 
same  purification. 

Medicine  Men  :  Both  the  Pimas  and  the  Papagos  have 
their  Sahurines  or  medicine  men,  who  pretend  to  have  the 
power  or  the  science  of  curing  diseases.  The  method  they  use 
consists  simpl}^  in  singing,  dancing  and  sweeping  a\\';>^  the 
malady  or  the  bad  spirit,  as  the  case  may  be,  with  eagle 
feathers.  The  cure  process  commences  with  the  singing  and 
dancing  of  the  medicine  man,  and  is  followed  by  the  use  of  the 
feathers,  which  are  softly  run  over  the  patient  from  head  to 
foot,  and  then  quickly  taken  out  of  the  room  and  shaken,  and 
with  them  at  least  a  part  of  the  disease  is  taken  off.  If  the 
sick  person  does  not  feel  the  promised  and  desired  relief,  he  has 
to  submit  again  and  again  to  the  same  performance  until  he 
dies  or  dismisses  his  "Sahurine."  Indeed  the  patient  must 
be  strong  to  stand  the  fatigue  of  the  curative  process.  We 
remember  that;  when  we  had  to  stop  at  San  Xavier,  we  often 
heard  this  singing  during  the  night. 

The  Papagos,  like  the  Pimas,  fear  the  owl  but  have  great 
confidence  in  the  sagacity  of  the  coyote.  Some  of  their  men 
pretend  to  understand  the  language  of  this  animal,  and  to 
have  received  from  it  many  a  good  advice  in  critical 
circumstances,  especially  when  they  had  to  start  on  a  campaign 
against  the  Apaches. 

There  are  many  other  superstitions  among  the  Indians  of 
all  tribes.  According  to  their  belief,  when  the  wind  blows 
heavy  clouds  of  dust,  as  is  common  in  this  country,  the 
Apaches  are  to  be  feared.  These  must  come  with  the  wind 
and  dust.  No  doubt  it  may  have  happened  in  some  instances 
that  the  Apaches  have  availed  themselves  of  the  whirlwinds 
and  dust  to  make  their  attacks  without  being  suspected,  and 
thence  comes  the  conviction  that  the  wind  brings  them. 


14  Ethics  and  Customs  of  the  Indians. 

In  the  Indian  countries,  it  is  not  unusual  to  see  near 
the  road,  particularly  on  some  elevation  of  the  ground,  some 
little  piles  of  rocks,  sticks,  bones,  etc.  These,  we  are  told 
by  one  of  the  Papago  Indians,  mark  the  places  where,  in 
former  times,  the  Indians  in  their  travels  used  to  stop  a 
while  before  going  any  farther  on  their  way,  when  they  felt 
tired,  and  it  was  believed  that  the  surest  wa}^  to  obtain  the 
desired  relief,  was  to  throw  some  object  on  the  resting-spot. 
Thus  these  piles  would  have  been  formed. 

Some  people  rather  think,  with  more  reason  it  seems, 
that  it  was  agreed  between  the  Indians,  that  when  they  had 
to  gather  from  different  directions  to  go  warring,  they  were 
to  pass  by  these  appointed  places,  and  leave  some  traces  of 
their  passage  for  those  who  would  come  after  them.  Be  it  as 
it  may,  the  piles  are  there,  but  do  not  grow  any  higher 
in  our  days. 

Eeliyion  :  According  to  the  first  historians  of  the  con- 
quest of  Mexico  by  Herman  Cortez,  all  the  Indians  were  idola- 
tors.  They  sacrificed  to  their  idols,  more  or  less  in  all  the 
provinces,  innumerable  human  victims,  not  only  of  their 
enemies  and  strangers,  but  even  of  their  relatives  and  children. 
Mention  of  this  is  made  in  the  letters  of  Charles  V.  to  Cortez 
in  1543.  Thomas  Bocius,  quoted  by  Solorzano  (i),  wrote  that 
in  the  City  of  Mexico,  seventy  thousand  lives  were  sacrificed 
every  year  to  the  idols. 

All  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  the  New  World  were  more 
or  less  idolators.  They  had  been  taught  to  worship  the  true 
God,  but,  as  of  old  their  fathers  did,  they  neglected  the  true 
and  good  God  whom  they  could  not  see,  to  worship  Belial, 
under  hideous  forms  of  their  own  make.  They  forgot  the 
goodness  of  their  Creator  to  think  only  of  the  bad  spirit  who 
could  injure  them,  and  in  order  to  propitiate  him  they  sacrificed 
to  him  human  lives. 

This  form  of  religion  was  not  in  use  in  all  the  tribes, 
especially  those  who  lived  north  of  Mexico.  They  had 
ridiculous  but  not  sanguinary  gods,  like  those  of  the  Teocali  of 
the  City  of  Mexico.  The  Indians,  scattered  on  the  plains  or 
in  the  woods,  made  gods  for  themselves  of  everything  extra- 

(1)    Solorzano,  lib.  II,  No.  27  and  51. 


Ethics  and  Customs  of  the  Indians.  15 

ordinary  they  might  see  for  the  first  time.  The  conquerors, 
who  treated  them  kindly  and  gave  them  some  medicines  for 
their  diseases,  were  considered  as  celestial  beings.  Any  mon- 
ster or  object  whatever,  which,  on  account  of  perfection  or 
defects  would  seem  to  them  out  of  the  common  order  of  nature, 
was  considered  as  supernatural  and  worshipped  as  a  good  or 
bad  spirit. 

J.  S.  Hittel  (i)  says  of  the  Indians  of  California,  that  "they 
had  no  religion,  no  conception  of  a  deity  or  of  a  future  life,  no 
idols,  no  form  of  worship,  no  priests,  no  philosophical  concep- 
tions, no  historical  traditions,  no  proverbs,  no  mode  of  recording 
thought  before  the  coming  of  the  missionaries  among  them." 
The  same  has  been  asserted  by  some  writers  with  regard  to  some 
Indian  tribes  in  which  no  signs  of  religion  could  be  found.  The 
fact,  however,  that  some  Indians  are  to  be  encountered  now 
without  any  religious  practices,  is  not  a  proof  that  they  never 
had  any  religion.  Moreover,  it  is  very  difiicult  for  an  inquirer 
to  have,  from  the  ever  suspicious  Indian,  the  expression  of  his 
inner  thoughts,  if  one  does  not  enjoy  his  entire  confidence. 


(1)    "History  of  San  Francisco."    (A.  L.  Bancroft  &  Co.,  San  Francisco,  1878.) 


CHAPTER     11. 

What  was  the  Condition  of  the  Indians  of  New 
Mexico  at  the  Time  of  the  Expedition  of  Francisco 
Vasquez  de  Coronado  into  that  Country,  A.  D.   1540? 

From  the  relation  of  this  expedition,  as  given  b}^  Pedro 
Castaiieda  and  by  Juan  Jaramillo,  who  both  took  part  in  it 
under  the  command  of  Coronado,  we  learn  :  (a)  That  all  the 
Indians  who  were  found  in  New  Mexico  lived  in  villages  or 
towns,  the  houses  of  which  were  built  with  mud  and  stones  in 
some  places,  or  simply  with  mud  (very  likely  the  "adobe,"  or 
moulded  mud  dried  in  the  sun)  according  to  local  circum- 
stances, and  that  all  these  houses  were  covered  with  terraces 
and  had,  some  of  them,  two  or  more  stories  ;  (b)  that  the 
Indians  planted  maize,  beans,  pumpkins  and  cultivated  cotton 
in  some  localities  ;  (c)  that  they  knew  how  to  weave  cotton 
and  to  prepare  the  skins  of  animals,  which  articles  they  used  to 
cover  themselves. 

According  to  Jaramillo,  the  sedentary  Indians  of  New 
Mexico  were  divided  into  six  provinces,  namety  :  Cibola, 
Tiguex,  Ouirix,  Hemes,  Acha  and  Tutahaco. 

Cibola  had  seven  villages  ;  Tiguex  had  twelve  villages, 
located  along  the  river  in  a  valley  about  two  leagues  in  width 
and  bounded  west  by  high  mountains.  Four  of  the  villages 
are  built  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  and  three  on  their  top. 
North  of  Tiguex  is  found  the  province  of  Quirix,  comprising 
seven  villages.  Seven  leagues  farther  north  is  Hemes  with 
the  same  number  of  villages.     Acha,  fort)^  leagues  in  the  same 


'1 


I.     The  Road  to  the  Pueblo  of  Acoma  in  1846. 


Zr^i-- 


f'-f.X^CftV^ 


II.     Papago  Indians'  Camp. 


HI.     iJwKLUNGS  OF  Papago  Indians. 


Conditions  of  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  a.  d.  1540.  17 

direction  and  four  leagues  southeast  of  this  is  Tutahaco,  with 
eight  villages. 

Richard  H.  Kern  of  the  Topographical  Survey,  quoted  in 
the  Extra  Sensus  Bulletin,  gives  the  names  of  Indian  towns 
used  by  Coronado,  with  the  modern  or  present  names,  viz.  : 
Cibola,  old  Zuni ;  Tusayan,  Moqui  pueblos ;  Acuco,  Acoma ; 
Tiguex,  Isleta  or  some  pueblo  in  its  vicinity  ;  Tutahaco' s  position 
can  be  identified,  but  not  the  places ;  Quirix,  San  Felipe  and 
adjoining  pueblos  ;  Cicuye,  Pecos  or  Santa  Fe  ;  Hemes  (Jemes), 
Agua  Caliente,  perhaps  near  the  town  of  the  same  name ;  Yuque 
or  Yunque,  possibly  Abiquiu ;  Braba,  Taos ;  Chia,  Silla  or  Zia. 

From  Castaiieda  we  translate  the  following :  "These  prov- 
inces are  governed  each  one  by  a  council  of  the  old  men.  The 
houses  are  built  in  common.  The  walls  are  built  up  by  the 
women,  who  have  to  prepare  the  mortar  they  have  to  use. 
They  have  no  lime,  but  in  its  stead  they  make  a  mixture  of 
ashes,  charcoal  and  earth,  which  has  the  same  consistence,  as 
can  be  seen  by  the  elevation  of  the  great  walls,  though  com- 
paratively of  a  thin  structure.  As  regards  the  necessary  tim- 
ber, this  is  procured  from  the  mountains  by  the  men,  who  shape 
and  place  it  conveniently  where  it  is  required." 

"The  unmarried  young  men  work  for  the  community. 
They  carry  the  wood  the  women  need  for  the  use  of  their 
houses.  The  Indians  have  "estufas,"  subterranean  rooms, 
dug  in  the  "plaza,"  public  square.  These  rooms  have  their 
roofs  supported  by  strong  wooden  pillars  placed  on  a  level  with 
the  outside  ground.  There  is  a  passage  down  into  them  by  a 
trap  door  and  a  ladder.  In  the  center  of  the  room  a  fire  is  kept 
burning  in  the  cold  season.  The  houses  belong  to  the  women 
and  the  estufas  to  the  men.  It  is  forbidden  to  the  \yomen  to 
enter  the  estufas,  except  when  they  have  to  carry  food  there  to 
their  husbands  or  to  their  sons." 

■"When  a  young  man  marries,  it  is  by  the  order  or  with 
the  consent  of  the  old  men.  He  must  then  spin  cotton,  weave 
a  mantle,  and  this  done,  the  young  girl  is  brought  to  him  ;  he 
covers  her  shoulders  with  the  mantle,  and  she  becomes  his 
wife." 

Castaiieda  says  that  these  Indians  did  not  sin  against 
nature,  that  they  had  no  human  sacrifices,  and  that  they  did 

2 


18  Co^JDITION   OF  THE  IxDIAN'S  Of  Ne\\'   MeXICO,    A,   D,    1540, 

not  eat  human  flesh.  He  sa^^s  the}'  had  preachers,  very  likely  ' 
the  "Pregoneros"  (proclaimers),  who  exist  yet  in  the  pueblos, 
and  whose  office  it  is  to  communicate  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
village  the  orders  of  the  governor  or  even  of  the  Catholic  priest. 
The  proclaimer  speaks  from  the  top  of  the  houses  when  these 
are  crowded,  or  from  the  plaza,  if  he  can  be  heard  b}'  every- 
body without  going  around  the  habitations,  "They  had," 
continues  the  author,  "earthenware  and  vases  ver\'  elaborate 
and  varnished  (painted).  Their  lands  were  rich  and  fertile,  so 
that  the  crops  of  one  year  could  supply  their  wants  for  seven, 
in  case  of  necessity.  When  they  planted  in  the  spring,  the 
ground,  in  many  places,  was  covered  yet  with  the  maize  they 
had  not  collected." 

The  houses  were  clean  and  well  distributed-  There  was 
a  room  for  cooking  and  another  for  the  grinding  of  the  grain. 
The  grain  was  crushed  between  stones,  prepared  fpr  that 
purpose,  by  three  women  at  a  time.  On  the  first  stone  the  corn 
was  roughly  cracked,  on  the  second  it  was  broken  thinner,  and 
on  the  third  it  was  made  dust.  During  the  process  of  this 
work,  the  women  had  a  man  singing  at  the  door,  or  they  them- 
selves did  it  to  regulate  and  help  the  motion  of  the  hands  on 
the  stones,  or  "metates,"  as  they  have  been  called  by  the 
Mexicans.  The  same  process  is  yet  resorted  to  by  the  Indians 
to  grind  the  seeds  of  certain  plants,  and  by  the  Mexicans  to  pul- 
verize the  "chile,"  red  pepper. 

In  another  place  Castaneda  says,  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Cibola  had  nearly  the  same  customs,  except  that  they  had  no 
Caciques  to  govern  them,  but  old  men  w^ho  preached  from  the 
tops  of  the  houses,  and  were  respectfully  listened  to  when  they 
spoke,  which  they  generally  did  at  the  rising  of  the  sun.  These 
Indians  burned  their  dead  and,  with  them,  the  tools  they  had 
used  in  their  trade  during  life. 

The  cross,  among  them,  was  considered  as  a  sj^mbol  of 
peace.  We  think  the  inhabitants  of  Cibola  had  taken  the 
cross  and  its  meaning  from  the  Sonora  Indians,  who  had  been 
visited,  the  year  before,  by  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,.who  gave 
them  crosses  as  a  sign  that  he  and  his  companions  would  not 
molest  them  in  an  3'  way. 


■Condition  of  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  a.  d.  1540.  19 

The  men  of  the  province  wore  round  the  loins  a  piece  of 
stuff  adorned  with  tassels  at  the  corners  ;  they  had  also  mantles 
of  feathers,  of  cotton,  and  of  hare  skins.  The  women  wore 
also  cotton  mantles  and  prepared  skins. 

Religion :  Nothing  is  said  in  the  above  mentioned  details 
about  the  religion  of  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  but  from 
what  has  been  said,  on  that  subject,  of  those  of  Old  Mexico, 
by  the  historians  and  the  first  missionaries,  we  can  safely  infer 
that  our  natives  must  have  been  idolaters.  The  superstitious 
practices  that  even  yet  exist  in  some  of  our  Catholic  pueblos, 
seem  to  indicate,  if  not  an  actual  idolatrous  worship,  at  least  a 
living  remembrance  of  it.  We  do  not  mean  to  refer  to  the 
hideous  figures  the  Indians  make  in  pottery  and  which  are 
bought  as  idols  by  the  benign  eastern  tourists.  The  Indians 
do  not  make  those  articles  for  their  own  use  but  for  specula- 
tion, and  the  uglier  the  objects  they  succeed  in  producing,  the 
better  for  the  sale,  as  has  been  proven  by  experience. 

Here  is  what  a  priest,  (i)  who  has  lived  twelve  years 
among  the  Jemes  Indians,  says :  "My  opinion  is  that  these 
Indians,  though  openly  Catholics,  practice  in  secret  all  kind  of 
old  superstitions  and  religious  ceremonies.  Whether  they 
worship  several  deities,  I  could  not  say,  but  certain  it  is  for 
me,  that  in  their  estimation,  Moctezuma  at  least  approaches 
to  the  divine  power,  as  some  of  them  have  told  me  that  what 
we  call  God  is  no  other  but  Moctezuma,  the  difference  being 
only  in  the  name.  They  have  a  kind  of  worship  for  the  sun, 
but  I  could  not  ascertain  whether  or  not  they  consider  it  as  a 
divinity." 

"More  than  other  people  they  fear  the  rattlesnake  but  do 
not  pay  to  it  any  worship,  nor  do  they  keep  it  and  feed  it  in  a 
cave,  as  it  is  believed  by  many.  I  have  seen  in  their  private 
dances  an  imitation  of  the  rattlesnake,  as  also  I  have  heard  an 
imitation  of  this  reptile's  noise,  which  is  used  to  regulate  the 
cadence  of  the  dancing,  but  there  were  no  living  snakes.  They 
avoid  killing  this  kind  of  snake  on  account  of  some  superstition 
very  likely,  and  if  they  do  kill  one,  as  happens  to  those  who 
work  in  the  fields  when  taken  by  surprise,  they  must  purify 


(1)    Rev.  Father  Mariller. 


20  Condition  of  the  Indians  of  Kew  Mexico,  a.  d,  1540, 

the  spade  or  hoe  which  has  served  for  killing,  before  using  it 
again." 

"The  Jemes  Indians  have  three  kinds  of  dances  or  'bailes'  ; 
the  dance  of  amusement,  that  of  war,  and  the  religious  dance. 

"The  Dance  of  Entertainment  is  practiced  on  feast  days,  and 
publicly.  It  is  generally  monotonous  in  the  singing  and  grave 
in  the  motion,  but  there  is  nothing  to  blame.  But  the  same 
cannot  always  be  said  of  the  'eutremeseros'  or  clowns,  who 
sometimes  use  ver^''  lewd  language  to  provoke  hilarity  among 
the  audience  who  can  understand  it. " 

**The  War  Dance  is  practiced  only  every  twent^^-five  or  thirty 
years,  and  for  this  reason,  a  long  preparation  has  to  take  place 
before  the  ceremonj^  can  loe  held  publicl5^" 

"The  principal  personages  or  heroes  of  the  war  dance  are 
those  who  have  killed  an  enemy  and  have  saved  his  scalp ; 
these  are  called  the  'matalotes,'  the  brave,  and  the  'malinche,' 
the  danceress,  who  is  chosen  to  represent  Moctezuma's  wife  at 
the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  They  dance  one  at  a 
time,  in  a  particular  dress,  the  bow  in  one  hand  and  in  the 
other  a  lance,  from  the  top  of  which  hang  the  scalps  of  the 
dead  enemies.  At  his  side  dances  the  'malinche,'  richly 
dressed  and  with  much  dignity.  Meanwhile  all  the  warriors 
surround  them,  singing  or  firing  off  their  arms.  This  dance  is 
repeated  four  or  five  days  according  to  the  number  of  the 
'matalotes'  who  live  in  the  pueblo." 

'  'The  cost  of  this  dance  is  considerable,  both  on  account  of 
the  very  many  Indians  who  come  from  other  pueblos  and  to 
whom  food  has  to  be  furnished,  and  on  account  of  the  presents 
the  relatives  of  the  matalote  have  to  give  to  the  malinche  dur- 
ing the  dance.  Besides,  they  all  make  a  generous  distribution 
of  food  and  of  all  kinds  of  provisions,  to  the  audience.  This 
dance  is  certainly  the  most  interesting  of  those  I  have  witnessed 
in  the  Indian  pueblos,  and  if  I  have  anything  to  blame  in  it,  it 
is  the  loss  of  much  time  and  the  expense  it  entails  on  many 
poor  Indians  ;  but  such  is  the  old  custom,  and  it  must  be  kept 
alive ;  fortunately  it  is  of  rare  occurrence. ' ' 

"Relifjiotis  Dances:  There  are  some  of  these  which  take 
place  regularly  at  the  beginning  of  the  four  seasons  of  the  year. 
They  are  preceded  by  a  fast  of  four  days,  which  is  obser^^ed  by 


CoNDlTtON  OP  THE   IndIAKS   OP  NeW   MeXICO,   A.   D>   1540.  21 

a  certain  number  of  men  and  women  of  the  pueblo.  During 
the  four  days  men  and  women  have  to  keep  their  separate 
rooms,  except  at  the  time  of  singing  and  prajdng,  when  they 
come  together  in  the  same  room.  After  the  prayer  they  trace 
some  strange  figures  of  animals  and  men,,  around  which  they 
spread  feathers  and  seeds.  The  meaning  of  this  ceremony 
nobody  explained  to  me,  but  it  looks  very  much  like  one  of 
their  many  superstitions.  They  receive  food  only  once  a  day 
and  sleep  on  the  bare  dirt  floor  of  their  rooms.  Many  think 
that  these  Indians  practice  abominable  actions  in  this  seclusion, 
but  it  is  my  opinion  that  they  are  entirely  mistaken.  At  the 
end  of  the  fasting  days,  or  rather  early  on  the  fifth  day,  the 
fasters  come  out  of  their  rooms  and  participate  in  the  dance 
which  takes  place  in  the  pueblo.  This  is  conducted  privately, 
with  no  other  spectators  but  the  inhabitants  of  the  pueblo,  or 
the  Indians  of  the  neighboring  villages.  There  are  other  dances 
accompanied  by  a  fast,  which  are  practiced  in  case  of  some 
public  calamity,  or  to  obtain  rain  when  needed  for  the  crops." 

Government  of  the  Indians :  Castafieda,  as  written  above, 
by  saying  that  the  inhabitants  of  Cibola  had  no  Caciques  to 
govern  them,  seems  to  indicate  that  the  other  provinces  he 
spoke  of,  had  them.  He  does  not,  it  is  true,  mention  them, 
and  says  only  that  those  provinces  were  governed  by  a  council 
of  old  men.  But  this  does  not  exclude  the  Caciques,  who  in 
any  tribe,  must  have  been  counted  among  the  wise,  if  not 
always  among  the  old  men.  The  same  author  wrote  also  in 
his  book  that  Coronado  was  visited  at  Cibola  by  the  Cacique  of 
Cicuye,  one  of  the  villages  of  New  Mexico. 

The  word  "Cacique"  is  not  peculiar  to  New  Mexico. 
Cacique,  as  we  take  it  from  the  work,  "De  Indiarum  Jure," 
was  the  title  of  the  first  authority  in  Hispafiola  Island,  when 
discovered  by  Columbus.  This  title  was  sanctioned  and  applied 
by  the  discoverers  to  the  chiefs  of  all  the  tribes  which  were 
successively  subjugated.  Some  of  the  nations,  however,  had 
other  special  names  to  designate  their  first  dignity.  In  Peru, 
for  instance,  the  chief  men  of  the  tribes  were  called  "Curacas" 
and  "Tecles"  in  Mexico. 

According  to  the  same  authority,  the  office  of  cacique  was 
hereditary  among  the  Indians  for  the  male,   and  even  for  the 


22  Condition  of  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  k,  d.  1540. 

female  children  of  the  incumbent,  in  case  there  should  be  no 
male  ;  provided,  however,  that  the  heiress  should  be  married 
and  her  husband  qualified  for  the  charge.  Without  changing" 
the  custom,  the  representatives  of  the  Spanish  government 
reserved  to  themselves  the  right  to  remove  any  Cacique  who 
might  prove  ineflficient,  and  to  replace  him  by  another  of  their 
choice. 

When  it  became  known  to  the  government  of  Spain,  that 
the  Caciques  were  like  little  kings  or  potentates,  who  exacted, 
almost  at  will,  contributions  from  their  subjects,  over  whom 
they  had  great  influence,  it  was  thought  advisable  to  do  away 
with  such  a  power.  Several  schedules  were  expedited  to  that 
effect  from  1548  to  1577.  The  enforcement  of  the  tenor  of 
these  documents  was  not  an  easy  task,  and  to  urge  it  might 
ver\-  well  have  had  no  other  result,  but  to  make  the  Indians 
discontented  without  any  certaintj-  of  changing  much  in  their 
customs.  It  was  considered  also  that  the  friendship  of  the 
Caciques,  if  enjoyed  by  the  government,  would  be  of  great  ad- 
vantage, both  for  its  ow'ii  support  and  extension,  and  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians.  These  and  other  considerations 
caused  the  government  to  reconsider  its  previous  orders,  and  to 
revoke  them  by  new  schedules  of  1603  and  16 14. 

As  for  the  government  of  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico  in 
general,  as  we  know  that  the  Indians  are  a  traditional  people 
who  stand  always  by  the  old  customs,  we  believe  that,  at  the 
time  of  Coronado's  expedition,  their  government  was  what  it  had 
been  before  and  what  it  is  now,  with  perhaps  a  few  slight  modi- 
fications. The  sedentary  tribes  are  governed  by  the  supreme 
chief  called  Cacique,  who  has  under  him,  a  governor  with  some 
officers  at  his  command,  for  the  execution  of  all  orders  refer- 
ring to  the  ordinary-  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  pueblo, 
and  by  a  council  of  the  "Mayores,"  old  men,  for  the  discussion 
of  all  important  questions. 

The  authorit}'  of  the  Caciques  in  our  pueblos  is  ver^' 
limited  if  compared  to  that  of  the  Indian  chiefs  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries  in  the  large  and  rich  tribes  of  Old 
Mexico  ;  still  it  is  yet  the  first  in  the  government  of  our  civi- 
lized natives.  The  word  '  'Cacique' '  bears  with  itself  the  idea 
of  respect  and  obedience.     The  man  vested  with  this  title  is  like 


Condition  of  the  Indian^s  oip  New  Mexico,  a.  d.  1540.  ^3 

a  patriarch  or  a  pontiff  in  his  community.  It  is  he  who  has 
the  charge  of  keeping  alive  the  old  customs,  and  of  opposing 
anything  that  would  tend  to  their  subversion.  Without  his 
consent,  no  measure  whatever,  which  would  not  be  authorized 
by  tradition,  can  be  taken  by  his  subordinate  officers  or  by  the 
council,  were  they  all  unanimous  in  their  opinion.  It  must  be 
said  however,  that  the  Cacique  has  no  authority,  and  most 
likely  never  had,  in  the  management  of  what  is  considered  to 
be  the  property  either  of  the  families  or  of  private  individuals. 

We  extract  the  following  from  a  report  written  in  1858  by 
Rev.  Samuel  Gorman,  a  Baptist  missionary,'  to  the  pueblos,  and 
sent  to  J.  L.  Collins,  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  at 
Santa  Fe. 

Mr.  Gorman  says:  "The  Pueblo  Indians  hold  their  land 
grants,  church  property,  and  all  town  houses  in  common  ;  all 
other  property  is  individual.  Any  person  of  the  community 
can  take  possession  of  and  cultivate  any  of  the  common  lands 
not  previously  occupied  or  cultivated  by  others,  and  after  he 
once  cultivates  it,  it  belongs  to  him  and  descends  to  his  heirs 
as  individual  property.  All  the  work  that  pertains  to  the 
community  as  a  whole,  such  as  keeping  in  order  the  ditches  for 
irrigation,  is  done  by  the  men  of  the  pueblo  at  the  call  of  the 
officers.  The  officers  are  the  cacique  or  head  chief,  who  is 
elected  for  life,  a  governor  and  two  assistants,  a  fiscal  mayor, 
and  the  war  captain  and  his  two  assistants.  These  officers 
under  the  cacique  are  elected  about  the  beginning  of  the  year 
for  twelve  months  only." 

"The  right  of  inheritance  is  held  by  the  females  generally, 
but  is  often  claimed  by  the  men  also.  Not  having  any  written 
laws,  the  will  of  the  officers  is  the  only  rule  of  their  courts. ' ' 

Mention  must  be  made  here  of  a  pious  custom,  which 
.prevails  in  the  Catholic  Indian  pueblos  of  New  Mexico,  very 
likely  from  the  establishment  of  the  missions  by  the  Franciscan 
Fathers.  It  consists  in  the  blessing  of  the  Governor's  "Bara"  — 
the  rod,  which  the  governor  has  to  hold  in  his  hand,  whenever 
he  must  act  publicly  in  the  capacity  of  his  office.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  year,  or  on  the  first  visit  of  the  priest,  if  he 
does  not  reside  in  the  pueblo,  the  newly  elected  governor  goes 
to  the  church  with  the  inferior  dignitaries,  where,  after  mass, 


24  CoxDinoN  OF  the  Indians  of  Xew  Mexico,  a,  d.  1540. 

he  asks  the  priest  to  bless  and  deliver  to  him  the  bara  left  by 
his  predecessor  in  office.  Yielding  to  the  request,  the  priest 
blesses  the  rod,  and  gives  it  to  the  new  governor,  reminding 
him  and  his  officers  of  the  obligations  they  solemnly  take  before 
the  altar  of  God  and  in  the  presence  of  their  people,  to  faith- 
fully discharge  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices.  The  bara,. 
which  was  formerly  a  common  stick,  having  perhaps  some 
particular  mark,  has  been  changed,  of  late  years,  into  a  fine 
black  cane  presented  to  the  Pueblos  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States. 


PUEBL,OS ,    Indian  Villages  in  New  Mexico, 


IV.     WOLPI. 


.ii»m»iiiiw'ii>i.ii>!  '<Hii  si-imJHWii  ^ . 

V.     Taos. 


u 


chapt:er  in. 

The  Explorations  of  the  Spaniards  from  Mexico  to-^ 

WARDS  THE  North.     What  were  the  Reasons  of  ThreS 

Successive  Expeditions,    between  the  Years  1530  and 

1540  TO  New  Me^xico  or  Cibola,   the  Country  of  the 

Seven  Cities,  as  it  was  then  Called? 

( 1)     The  E.rpeditwn  of  Niulo  de  Gu'Swan  in  1-530-. 

The  explorations  in  a  northern  direction,  at  an  early  date 
after  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  were  justified  by  the  voyages 
that  had  been  already  made  along  the  western  coast  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  and  which  had  ascertained  the  existence  of  an 
immense  country  lying  north.  It  was  then  surmised  that  the 
unexplored  lands  might  be  as  rich  as  Mexico  and  Peru  had 
proved.  This  conjecture  was  corroborated  by  an  Indian  from 
the  valleys  of  'Oxitipar\  Texas,  who  was  in  the  service  of 
Nuno  de  Gusman,  then  President  of  New  Spain  in  the  absence 
of  Cortez,  who  had  gene  on  a  visit  to  Spain.  This  Indian, 
who,  as  he  said,  had  travelled  with  his  father  for  business 
purposes  in  the  countrj^  of  the  Seven  Cities,  gave  so  brilliant  a 
description  of  it,  that  his  master  conceived  at  once  the  idea 
of  going,  as  scon  as  possible,  to  the  land  of  the  marv^elous 
cities.  ( I )  In  a  short  time  Gusman  equipped  an  army  of 
four  hundred  rich  Spaniards  and  20,000  Indians,  and  left 
Mexico  for  his  expedition,  going  north  according  to  the 
instructions  he  had  received  from  the  Indian.     Having  reached 


(1)    For  the  description  of  the  ihrce  eX|ieditions  we  follow  Pedro  Castufieda  de 
Nagera  and  Juan  Jaramillo,  already  mentioned  aVjove. 


2G  E.Vl  LOKAHON'S    OF    niK    '-^TA-Vf AHDS    ER, 

the  province  of  Culiacan,  he  found  himself  unable  to  make 
any  headway  through  the  steep  mountains  he  had  to  cross. 
Much  time  was  lost,  wath  no  avail,  in  search  of  a  pa^  and 
meanwhile  the  Spaniards-  of  the  party  became  discouraged, 
and  there  ended  the  expedition, 

(:2)     The  XarnI  ErpffJition  of  Fernando  Coricz  in  1528. 

This  expedition ,  which  was  intended  by  the  conqueror  of 
Mexico  for  theex  ploration  of  the  northern  Pacific  coast,  had 
besides  for  result  ^  the  discovery  of  California.  It  was  com- 
posed, sa3'S  Padre  Marcelino  de  Civessa  (i)  after  Padre 
Geronimo  de  Zarate  Salmeron.  of  four  vessels,  and  was 
accompanied  by  four  Franciscan  Fathers,  appointed  by  Padre 
Antonio  de  Citta  Rodrigo.  the  superior  of  the  province  of 
Mexico,  who  at  the  same  time  sent  two  other  religious  by 
land  in  the  same  direction,  with  a  captain  and  twelve  soldiers. 
These  religious  were,,  as  can  be  inferred  from  the  date  of 
their  expedition,  the  Fathers  de  la  Asuncion  and  Pedro 
Nadal.  One  of  the  Fathers,  accompanied  b}'  two  Indians  as 
interpreters,  turned  directly  to  the  north,  in  order  to  visit  the 
tribes  he  might  find  in  that  direction.  There  he  was  told 
by  the  Indians  he  met  with,  of  a  very  populous  country 
which  extended  along  a  large  river,  at  about  two  hundred 
leagues  to  the  north.  This  w^as  the  first  news  ever  received 
about  the  land  which,  later  on,  was  to  be  given  the  name 
of  New  Mexico,  and  made  a  great  impression  on  the  minds 
of  the  adventurous  Spaniards  of  Mexico. 

{3)     The  Expedition  of  Fray  Mareo^  de  Niza. 

The  report  of  the  religious  as  to  the  existence  of  a  largely 
settled  country  towards  the  north,  as  he  had  been  told  by 
the  Indians  living  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  was 
substantiated  by  the  information  given  by  three  Spaniards 
just  arrived  from  that  country  to  the  City  of  Mexico.  These 
men  were  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Dorantes  and  Castillo  Maldonado, 
with  a  negro  called  Estevan  or  Estevanico,  who  had  been 
wrecked  with  the  ships  of  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  on  the  Coast 

(1)    "Historia    Generale     delle     Missioni    Franciscane."       Prato    Tipogrnfia 
Giachetti,  Figlio  &  Co.,  1891. 


"Exf>'L0RAT10SS   OF  THE   .SPANIARDS   Etc.  27 

Ol  "Florida,  and  had  come  to  the  capital  of  New  Spain  b^^  the 
province  of  Culiacan,  after  crossing  the  country  from  ocean 
to  ocean.  Called  by  the  viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza, 
they  gave  him  the  information  they  had  personally  acquired 
about  the  countries  they  had  gone  through,  as  also  what 
they  had  learned  from  different  sources  about  the  seven  great 
cities  and  their  houses  of  four  and  five  stories. 

According  to  Donaldson  '( i ) ,  Cabeza  de  Vaca  would 
have  been  the  first  discoverer  of  New  Mexico,  passing  in 
his  journey  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  coast  by  Taos, 
Daguna,  Acoma  and  Zufii  or  Cibola,  and  thence  to  the  Gila, 
touching  almost  all  the  now  known  pueblos.  This  opinion 
•cannot  be  admitted  without  taking  Vaca  and  his  companions 
either  for  enthusiastic  men  who,  in  case  of  having  visited 
the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico,  would  have  seen  wealth  where 
there  was  nothing  but  naked  poverty,  or  for  men  who  would 
have  intended  to  deceive  the  authorities  for  some  personal 
purpose;  but  neither  view  is  consistent  with  what  is  known 
■of  them.  They  had  been  made  slaves  by  the  tribes,  they 
had  suffered  for  ^'^ars  from  hunger,  nakedness  and  privations 
of  all  kinds,  and  what  they  wanted  now  w^as  to  regain  some 
strength,  and  start  for  their  native  countrj^  That  they 
were  the  first  white  men  to  cross  the  continent  is  admitted, 
but,  very  likely,  they  did  not  go  on  the  Rio  Grande  above 
El  Paso,  nor  is  it  probable  that  they  struck  the  Rio  Gila. 
Looking  for  the  Pacific  Coast,  as  they  did,  they  must  have 
taken  the  natural  and  shortest  direction  by  the  northern 
part  of  Sonora,  as  soon  as  they  could  cross  the  Sierra 
Madre.  Thence  to  Sinaloa  and  Culiacan  and  from  there 
to  Mexico.  Their  overland  journey  across  the  American 
continent  lasted  from  April  13th,  1528  to  July  25th,  1536, 
when  they  arrived  at  the  city  of  Mexico  with  the  negro 
servant  Estevan  or  Estevanico. 

The  details  given  by  the  great  travelers  made  a  strong 
impression  on  the  viceroy,  w^ho  transmitted  the  same  to 
Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado,  then  governor  of  Culiacan. 
At    the    same    time   he    suggested    to    him    to    prepare    an 


(1)    The  Extra  Census  Builetiu. 


29  ExPLORATrcTNS    OF    rnE    ^PASIARDS   tTC, 

expedition,  which  should  l:>e  entrusted  to  the  leadership  oS 
three  religious.  Franciscans,  for  the  journey  to  the  far  famed 
cities.  The  idea  was  a  good  one.,  the  expedition  would  be 
ver>-  inexpensive  aiid  besides,  it  was  knc>^^^l  that  religious, 
with  their  poor  habit,  and  with  crucifix  in  hand,  could 
penetrate  ever>-where,  l)etter  than  soldiers  with  war  apparatus. 
The  religious  selected  for  the  purpose,  were:  Fray  Marcos 
de  Xiza.  and  the  lay  Brothers,  Daniel  and  Antonio  de  Santa 
Maria,  to  whom  was  joined  the  negro  of  the  Spaniards, 
as  a  man  of  experience  in  travel  and  in  the  manner  of 
introducing  himself  to  the  Indian  tribes. 

The  religious  were  duly  authorized  for  this  mission  by 
letters  of  obedience  from  their  Superior,  dated  from  Mexico 
August  27,  1538,  This  document  states  that  Fray  Marcos 
de  Niza  w^as  a  regular  priest,  pious,  \4rtuous  and  devoted, 
a  good  theologian,  familiar  with  the  science  of  cosmography 
and  of  navigation. 

At  the  same  time  Fray  Marcos  received  from  the  viceroy 
an  instruction  by  which  he  was  directed  to  encourage  the 
Spaniards  who  lived  in  the  city  of  San  Miguel  of  the  province 
of  Culiacan,  to  deal  fairly  with  the  peaceable  Indians  and 
to  tell  them  that  he  had  been  sent  by  his  Excellency  in  the 
name  of  His  Majesty  the  King,  to  see  that  they  should  be 
well  treated,  and  to  tell  them  that  the  King  had  been  sadly 
grieved  to  hear  that  they  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards,  but  that  this  should  not  occur  again  in  the  future. 

Moreover,  Fray  Marcos  was  instructed  by  the  viceroy, 
in  case  he  should  think  that,  by  the  grace  of  God,  he  could 
find  a  road  to  penetrate  any  farther  into  the  interior  of  the 
comitrj',  to  take  as  guide  Estevan  the  negro,  who  had  been 
lent  for  the  purpose  by  his  master  Dorantes,  as  a  trusty 
man  who  would  obey  him  in  ever^'thing,  to  travel  cautiously 
with  regard  for  his  own  security,  to  study  the  character  and 
dispositions  of  the  Indians,  and  to  get  from  them  as  much 
information  as  possible  about  the  neighboring  countries  and 
the  districts  about  the  sea;  and  in  case  he  should  find  any 
great  citj-,  to  notify  him  whether  it  would  be  convenient  to 
found  in  it  a  monaster}-.  The  notification,  however,  had 
to  be  sent  secretly,    in  order  to  avoid  difficulties,    "because" 


Explorations  of  the  Spaniards  etc.  29 

he  added,  "in  this  conquest,  we  look  only  for  the  service  of 
Our  Lord  and  the  good  of  the  Indians. ' ' 

We  see  by  the  report  Fray  Marcos  sent  to  the  viceroy 
that  the  expedition  started  from  San  Miguel  of  Culiacan  on 
the  seventh  of  March,  1539,  and  that  it  was  back  to 
Temixtitlan,  Mexico,  on  September  2d  of  the  same  3'ear. 

From  Culiacan,  Fray  Marcos  very  likel}',  followed  the 
coast  of  the  Gulf  of  California  as  far  as  the  Sonora  Valley, 
after  crossing  the  Mayo  and  Yaqui  rivers.  There  he  met 
several  Indians  who  came  from  an  island  not  far  distant 
from  the  land  and  who  spoke  to  him  of  other  Indians  who 
lived  on  the  other  isles  more  or  less  distant  from  the  shore. 
These,  no  doubt,  were  the  Seris  of  the  Tiburon  Islands,  a 
tribe  which  later  on  gave  great  trouble  to  the  Jesuit  mission- 
aries and  caused  the  death  of  some  of  them,  as  we  will  say 
in  another  place. 

As  to  the  exact  point  where  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  received 
some  information  about  the  province  of  Cibola,  it  would  be 
difficult  to  speak  now,  as  the  names  of  the  localities,  which 
were  inhabited  by  the  Indians  he  met  on  his  way,  have  been 
changed  since,  either  by  the  moving  of  the  tribes  from  one 
place  to  another,    or  for  other  reasons. 

According  to  Fray  Juan  Domingo  Arricivita,  as  stated  in 
the  introduction  to  his  work  "L,a  Cronica  Serafica  del  Collegio 
de  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro"  already  mentioned  and  substan- 
tialh'  reproduced  in  the  third  chapter  of  this  book,  FraA' 
Marcos  de  Niza  with  three  other  religious  would  have  joined 
in  1539  the  military  expedition,  and  reached  the  river  which 
had  been  visited  the  previous  year  by  the  two  Fransiscans  Juan 
de  la  Asuncion  and  Pedro  Nadal. 

There  must  be  a  mistake  on  the  part  of  Arricivita.  In 
1539  Fray  Marcos  was  commissioned  by  the  ViceroA',  with  the 
consent  of  the  Superior  of  the  Fransiscan  Order,  as  leader  of 
an  expedition  for  the  discovery  of  the  province  of  Cibola 
without  any  escort  but  what  the  religious  might  find  in  the 
Indian  tribes.  The  representative  of  the  Spanish  government 
in  New  Spain  ver>' judiciously  thought  that  a  poor  Franciscan 
could  find  admission  among  the  Indian  tribes  better  than  a 
regiment  of  armed  soldiers. 


30  KxPl.ORATIONS   OF  THK   Si  AXIAKD.s    ETC, 

Fray  Marcos,  as  we  have  written,  had  been  strongly 
impressed  by  the  report  made  by  one  of  the  two  religious  who, 
in  1538,  travelled  by  land  from  Mexico  as  far  as  the  Colorado 
River  of  California.  The  report  had  it,  that  in  an  excursion  one 
of  the  religious  made  from  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  directly  to 
the  north,  with  two  Indians  as  interpreters,  some  Indians  told 
him  of  a  very  populous  country  which  extended  along  a  large 
river,  at  about  two  hundred  leagues  to  the  north.  This 
country  was  the  one  Fray  Marcos  was  now  looking  for,  and  no 
doubt  he  enquired  for  the  place  where  he  had  to  leave  the 
coast  in  order  to  find  the  tribe  visited  by  his  brother  religious. 
Nothing  indicates  that  he  had  to  go  as  far  as  the  Colorado 
River  before  turning  north  in  search  of  Cibola. 

In  regard  to  this  quotation  we  willingly  accept  the  opinion 
of  A.  F.  Bandelier  ( i )  who  thinks  it  was  the  place  where  since 
has  been  built  the  Mexican  town  of  "Matape"  in  the  district  of 
Ures,  which  ancienth'  may  have  been  ' ' Vacapa' '  and  later  on 
"Matapa",  where  in  1629  the  Jesuit  Fathers  founded  the 
mission  of  San  Jose.  The  place  was  then  occupied  by  the  tribe 
of  the  Eudeves  who  knew,  some  of  them  at  least,  where 
Cibola  was  located,  either  as  they  had  been  there,  or  because 
they  had  heard  of  it  from  some  other  Indians.  This  was 
valuable  information  for  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza:  if  those  people 
had  made  seme  excursions  to  the  country  of  the  seven  cities, 
they  could  indicate  to  him  the  best,  shortest  and  safest  road  he 
had  to  take  to  reach  the  end  of  the  expedition  entrusted  to 
him. 

Thus  far  the  religious  had  travelled  with  the  lay  brothers 
Daniel  and  Antonio  de  Santa  Maria  and  the  negro  Estevan. 
From  this  place  he  determined  to  send  his  guide  Estevan,  with 
some  Indians  in  advance  to  prepare  the  wa^^  for  his  coming  and 
prevent  too  much  excitement  in  the  villages  at  the  sight  of  the 
numerous  body  of  Indians  who  accompanied  him.  The  plan 
answered  the  purpose  for  a  while;  Fray  Marcos  followed  the 
negro  according  to  the  indications  agreed  upon,  for  Estevan 
was  to  leave  on  the  road  he  would  have  taken  crosses  as  a  sign 
that  he  had  been  kindly  received  by  the  Indians  he  met. 


(1)    Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  sonthwehttTu  porlion  of  tlie  U.  S. 


ExPLORATlOXS   OF  TIIK  SPANIARDS   ETC.  31 

Fray  Marcos  who.  in  compliance  with  the  orders  he  had 
received  from  the  Viceroy  and  from  his  superiors,  had  to  look 
for  as  much  information  as  he  could  obtain  from  the  Indians 
he  would  meet,  did  not  intend  to  travel  hurriedl}*.  For  this 
reason  he  told  his  ser\^ant  from  the  start  not  to  push  forward 
with  precipitation,  but  rather  to  stop  at  some  villages  and  there 
wait  for  him  for  new  orders  before  proceeding  further. 

But  the  negro,  who  found  as  many  Indians  as  he  wished 
to  guide  him  from  tribe  to  tribe,  thought  he  was  the  principal 
man  of  the  expedition,  and  accelerated  his  march  in  order  very 
likely  to  have  the  glor\'  of  being  the  first  to  reach  the  city 
of  Cibola.  He  came  in  fact  near  it,  four  or  five  days  ahead  of 
Fra}'  Marcos.  He.  at  once,  announced  himself  by  some 
messengers  of  his  band  who  could  speak  the  language  of 
the  tribe,  but  the  answer  he  received  through  his  messengers 
was  far  from  encouraging.  The  chief  of  the  city  said  to 
the  men  of  the  delegation:  "Tell  your  master  that  he  must  go 
back  to  those  who  sent  him;  that,  if  they  come,  they  shall  be  all 
put  to  death."  These  words  did  not  deter  him;  he  presented 
himself,  but  the  chief  accomplished  what  he  had  said.  He  had 
him  killed,  and  also  those  who  had  come  with  him,  except 
three  of  them  who  fled  protected  b}'  the  banks  of  the  river,  and 
went  back  to  apprise  Fray  Marcos  and  his  part}'  of  what 
had  happened.  This  news  was  the  cause  of  discouragement 
and  great  sorrow  in  the  camp  of  Fray  Marcos.  His  Indians 
mourned  the  loss  of  those  of  their  kinsfolks  who  had  followed 
the  negro,  and  thought  of  nothing  but  returning,  as  fast  as 
possible,  to  their  homes.  Cibola,  how^ever,  was  now  only  two 
da3-s  march  away,  and  the  religious,  though  very'  much  afraid, 
as  he  states  in  his  report  to  the  vicero}-.  wished  at  least  to  see 
it,  if  he  could  not  take  possession  of  it.  By  dint  of 
supplications  he  got  a  few  men  to  accompany  him,  as  far  as 
necessary,  to  show  him  the  city  and  the  size  of  its  houses. 
From  there.  Fray  Marcos,  thought  he  had  really  in  sight 
the  great  and  rich  city  which  had  been  described  to  him  by 
the  Indians  he  had  met  on  his  way. 

"It  is  built"  says  F.  Marcos  in  his  report  "in  a  plain,  on  a 
round  hill,  it  looks  very  pretty,  it  is  the  most  important  I  have 
seen  in  these  countries.       Being  mj-self  on  an  elevated  spot, 


32  Explorations  of  the  ^^PA^•IARDS  etc. 

wherefrom  I  could  examine  it,  I  saw  that  the  houses  were 
built  as  the  Indians  told  me.  all  constructed  with  stone,  having 
several  stories  and  covered  with  terraces.  This  city  is  larger 
than  Mexico."     ( i) 

This  large  city,  as  it  is  known  now,  was  no  other  than  the 
old  pueblo  of  Zuni,  whose  ruins  can  be  seen  yet  about  three 
miles  east  of  the  Zuni  of  to-day.  As  for  the  name  of  Cibola, 
we  think  it  came  from  the  Indians  of  northern  Sonora, 
who  used  to  come  to  Zuni  to  purchase  the  buffalo  skins  which 
they  called  "cibolas." 

The  road  followed  by  the  expedition  of  Fray  Marcos  de 
Niza  was.  according  to  Bandelier,  who  has  sketched  it  in  the 
book  already  mentioned,  from  the  starting  point,  be  it  Matapa 
or  any  other  Indian  village  in  Sonora,  up  the  Rio  Sonora  to 
its  head,  among  the  Eudoves  or  the  Opatas  Indians.  From  this 
river  the  expedition  struck  the  head  of  the  San  Pedro  River  of 
Arizona,  which  was  inhabited  by  the  Sobahipuris  Indians,  who 
knew  more  about  Cibola  than  the  Eudeves  or  the  Opatas. 
Thence  the  expedition  went  on,  crossing  the  Gila  and  the  Salt 
rivers  and  from  there  to  Cibola  by  the  White  Mountains, 
where  the  Apache  reservation  now  is. 

This  road  was  certainly  the  most  direct  to  the  point  to  be 
reached ;  the  best  provided  with  water,  and  settled  by  peaceable 
tribes  in  which  Fary  Marcos  was  kindly  received  and  found 
sure  guides  for  his  long  journe}'. 

The  viceroy  had  it  at  heart  to  extend,  as  much  as  he 
could,  the  explorations  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  Thus 
far,  it  is  true,  the  expeditions  of  Xuno  de  Gusman  and  of 
Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  had  not  been  rich  in  results,  still, 
the  latter  had  discovered  inhabited  districts,  and  probably 
some  others  might  be  found  in  the  same  direction.  This 
he  wrote  to  the  emperor  Charles  V.  on  the  17th  of  April,  1540, 
In  his  letter  he  spoke  of  the  disposition  ot  the  Indians  to 
receive  the  religious,  while  they  fled  terror-stricken  at  the 
approach  of  the  soldiers,  and  he  asked  earnestly  His  Majesty, 
to  .send  some  of  those  men  who  could  convert  these  good 
natured  aborigines  to  Christianit5^ 


(1)    This  lii.>-t  assertion,  for  which  Fray  >iurcos  has  been  derided  by  nuiiiy.  woiilii 
only  show  that  at  that  time  Mexico  was  not  a  very  large  city. 


Exploration's  of  the  Spaniards  etc.  '33 

[4)      The  Expedition  of  Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado. 

It  was  then  resolved  by  the  viceroy  to  send  another 
expedition  for  the  conquest  of  Cibola,  and  to  make  new 
discoveries  farther  north.  Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado, 
who  was  governor  of  the  province  of  Culiacan,  and  who  had 
seen  Fray  Marcos  on  his  return  from  Cibola,  took  so  much 
interest  in  the  new  expedition,  that  he  was  appointed  its 
general  in  chief. 

As  Coronado  was  w^ell  known  in  New  Spain,  he  had  no 
difficulty  in  collecting  an  army  of  three  hundred  Spaniards 
and  eight  hundred  Indians.  He  took  also  three  Franciscan 
Fathers,  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,  Fray  Antonio  Victoria,  Fray 
Juan  de  Padilla  and  Luis  de  Escalona,  a  lay  brother.  The 
expedition  followed  the  road  already  travelled  by  Fray  Marcos 
and  went  on  steadily  to  the  province  of  Cibola.  At  the 
sight  of  its  first  village,  which  was  pointed  out  to  them  as 
the  great  city  of  that  name,  all  the  soldiers  commenced  to 
deride,  and  even,  says  Pedro  Jaramillo,  to  curse  Fray  Marcos. 
This  good  religious  realized  then  that  he  had  given  too 
much  credence  to  the  tales  of  the  Sonora  Indians  about 
Cibola  and  ashamed  of  the  mistake  he  had  made  by  speaking 
of  what  he  knew  not,  begged  that  he  might  not  remain 
with  the  expedition,  but  be  permitted  to  return  to  New 
Spain  by  the  first  opportunit}-;  a  favor  which  was  granted 
to  him.  It  w^as  easy  for  the  Spaniards  to  take  possession 
of  Cibola,  though,  says  Castaneda,  they  had  to  fight 
about  an  hour  to  overcome  the  resistance  made  by  the 
Indians  with  their  arrows  and  stones.  Coronado  was  struck 
on  the  head  by  a  stone,  and  would  have  perished  there, 
had  he  not  at  once  been  protected  b^^  some  of  his  officers, 
who  exposed  themselves  to  save  him.  An  abundance  of 
provisions  was  found  in  the  village. 

After  the  submission  of  the  Indians,  the  General  learned 
from  them  that  at  twent}^  five  leagues,  or  five  days'  march, 
there  was  another  province,  called  Tusayan.  Coronado  sent 
Pedro  de  Tobar,  \\'ith  seventeen  mounted  men  and  Fra^'  Juan 
de  Padilla,  to  take  possession  of  it.  The  Tusayan  Indians 
off"ered  more  resistance  than  those  of  Cibola;    still,    the}'  also 


34  ExpLORATroxs  of  the  Spaxiards  etc. 

had  to  submit  after  losing  a  good  number  of  their  men. 
Having  made  peace  with  their  conquerors,  the  inhabitants  of 
Tusayan  spoke  to  Captain  de  Tobar  of  a  big  river  which  ran 
bej'ond  a  desert  of  four  days'  march  in  extent,  and  told 
him  that  along  this  river,  going  down,  there  lived  men  of  a 
ver^-  high  stature.  The  Captain  had  received  no  orders  to  go 
any  farther,  but  on  his  return  to  headquarters,  communicated 
to  the  General  what  the  Indians  had  told  him  of  a  big  river 
and  of  the  inhabitants.  Coronado  then  despatched  Captain 
Garci  Lopez  de  Cardenas  with  twelve  men  for  the  exploration 
of  the  river.  Guides  and  provisions  were  furnished  by  the 
Tusayans,  and  after  twenty  days  of  march,  the  expedition 
reached  the  river,  which  was  so  deeply  sunk  that  the  soldiers, 
sa3-s  the  chronicler,  measuring  by  sight  the  distance  from  the 
spot  where  the}'  stood  to  the  water  below  "believed  themselves 
to  be  four  leagues  in  the  air".  They  tried  to  find  some 
passage  down,  succeeded  with  great  difficulty,  and  saw  that 
the  river,  which  from  the  top  of  the  bank  looked  very  narrows 
was  really  a  large  course  of  water.  This  was  evidently'  what 
is  called  to-day  the  'Great  Caiion  of  the  river  Colorado.' 

In  the  account  Jaramillo  gives  of  Coronado' s  expedition, 
he  says  that  there  were  seven  villages  in  the  province  of 
Tusayan,  that  the  houses  were  covered  with  terraces  and  that 
the  inhabitants  had  more  provisions,  were  better  clad,  and 
more  numerous,    than  those  of  Cibola. 

According  to  Bancroft,  quoted  b^'  Donaldson,  the  ancient 
names  of  Tusayan  or  of  the  Moqui  villages  were:  Oraibe, 
Shumuthpa,  Mushaiina,  Ahlela,  Gualpi,  Siwinna,  and  Tegua. 
The  present  names  as  given  by  Lieutenant  Whipple  are: 
Mishongnavi,  Oraibe,  Shimopavi,  Shipanlavi,  Tewa  and  Walpi. 

•  Speaking  of  Cibola,  Jaramillo  remarks,  that  from  this 
village,  or  some  distance  south  of  it,  the  rivers  turn  towards 
the  northern  sea,  while  before,  all  the  streams  ran  in  a 
southern  direction;   which  is  true. 

From  Cibola,  the  expedition  went  to  Acuco,  a  village  of 
difficult  access,  on  the  top  of  a  very  high  rock.  The  Indians 
did  not  avail  themselves  of  their  position,  but  submitted  after 
some  parley-. 


Exploration's  of  the  Spaniards  etc.  35 

From  Acuco,  Fernando  Alvarado,  who  was  detailed  by 
fhe  General  with  soldiers  to  go  to  Cicuye  with  two  Indians  of 
that  province  as  guides,  reached  in  three  days  the  province  of 
Tiguex.  The  inhabitants,  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
guides,  received  the  Spaniards  with  friendly  demonstrations. 
From  here,  the  Captain  sent  a  messenger  to  the  General, 
inviting  him  to  ccme  and  spend  the  winter  at  Tiguex;  mean- 
while he  proceeded  to  Cicuye.  On  his  return  he  obliged  the 
Indians  of  Tiguex  to  abandon  their  houses,  with  the  provisions 
they  contained,  for  the  General,  who  was  coming  with  his  army 
to  make  there  his  winter  quarters. 

This  action,  as  can  be  easily  understood,  exasperated 
the  natives,  who  had  been  taken  by  surprise  and  saw 
themselves  deprived  of  all  their  provisions  and  of  their  homes  at 
the  approach  of  the  cold  season ;  still  they  had  to  submit  to 
brute  force.  But  it  became  worse  at  the  arrival  of  Coronado. 
Among  his  soldiers  he  had  a  number  of  Indians  recently 
come  from  Sonora,  who  were  not  clad  heavily  enough  to  stand 
the  rigor  of  a  cold  climate.  In  order  to  provide  them  with  the 
most  necessary  bodily  protection,  the  General  called  upon  the 
Indians  of  the  province  for  an  enormous  contribution  of  cotton 
mantles,  which  certainly  could  not  be  furnished.  But  the 
order  was  peremptory',  and  to  avoid  punishment,  the 
inhabitants  of  twelve  villages  stripped  themselves  of  the  shirts 
or  'mantas'  they  had  on  their  bodies  to  give  them  to  the 
soldiers.  Unfortunately  it  happened  that  at  the  same  time  the 
soldiers  mistook  some  peaceable  Indians  for  rebels,  and  killed 
them.  This  sad  event  was  taken  by  the  natives  as  a  proof 
that  the  Christians  did  not  keep  their  word,  and  caused  the 
coalition  of  twelve  Indian  villages  to  make  open  opposition  to 
them.  No  need  to  say  that  the  Indians  were  not  able  to 
confront  an  army  like  that  of  Coronado,  and  all  they  gained 
was  to  be  cruelly  treated,  and  to  be  destroA^ed  almost  entirely, 
after  a  brave  resistance  of  fifty  days. 

After  the  siege  of  Tiguex,  or  rather  after  the  barbarous 
assassination  of  the  Indians  of  that  province,  the  Spaniards 
wished  to  start  at  once  for  Quivira,  a  province  which  had 
been  represented  to  them  by  an  Indian  as  very  rich  in  silver, 
gold,    and    precious    stones;    but  the  river   was  frozen  and  it 


36  Exploration's  of  the  Sfa.viards  etc. 

became  necessary  to  wait  four  months  before  it  could  be  forded. 
Meanwhile  some  explorations  were  made  in  the  surrounding 
country  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river.  Along  this  river,  saj^s 
Jaramillo,  are  found  fifteen  villages  in  a  space  of  twenty 
leagues,  and  he  adds,  that  on  the  border  of  another  course  of 
water,  which  comes  into  the  same  one,  there  are  other 
villages,  among  which  three  are  remarkable  for  Indian  villages. 
These  are:  Chia,  Urraba  and  Cicuique.  He  sa^^s  that  most  of 
the  houses  at  Urraba  have  two  stories;  that  there  are  maize, 
beans  and  pumpkins  in  the  three  villages;  that  the  Indians 
plant  some  cotton,  which  they  weave,  sometimes  mixed  with 
feathers,  to  make  their  'mantas'.  The  river  comes  pretty  nearly 
from  the  northwest  and  runs  towards  the  southeast.  Castaneda 
places  the  villages  of  Chia  at  four  leagues  west  of  the  Cibola 
river  (Rio  Grande). 

At  a  distance  of  four  days  march  northeast  from  Cicuique, 
continues  Jaramillo,  we  encountered  two  villages,  the  names  of 
which  he  cannot  give.  ( Perhaps  Galisteo  and  Pecos,  because 
we  see  by  what  follows,  that  the  Rio  Grande  had  been  crossed 
and  that  the  expedition  was  on  its  way  in  search  of  the 
Quivira. )  In  three  days  from  the  unknown  villages,  follow- 
ing the  same  direction,  the  expedition  struck  a  river,  and  going 
farther,  mostly  to  the  east,  reached  the  plains  of  the  "Cibolos" 
(buffalos),  but  it  was  only  five  days  later  that  these  animals 
were  seen. 

Captain  Jaramillo  says  the  expedition  went  through  vers' 
rich  lands  in  the  prairies,  which,  he  thought,  could  produce 
good  crops  and  support  large  agricultural  populations.  The 
Captain  was  right,  but  he  must  have  known  that  Coronado, 
and  the  Spaniards  who  accompanied  him,  did  not  look  so  much 
for  lands,  as  for  the  Quivira,  spoken  of  by  the  Indian  their 
guide,  and  for  its  gold  and  wealth.  How  far  the  expedition 
may  have  gone  through  the  plains  is  not  clearly  stated;  we 
learn  onl3^  from  the  reports  that  the  Indian  villages  which  were 
found  there,  even  the  Quivira,  were  poorer  than  those  which 
had  been  discovered  before.  The  guide,  as  was  then  found  out, 
was  a  member  of  the  Quivira  tribe,  who  had  been  met  in  New 
Mexico,  and  who  told  stories  about  the  wealth  of  his  country 
in  order  to  have  a  good  escort  to  return  to  it.      It  was  then 


Explorations  of  the  Spaniards  etc.  37 

resolved  to  put  an  end  to  the  expedition;  but  before  starting 
back,  the  Spaniards  strangled  the  Indian  for  having  deceived 
them  so  wantonly,  and,  some  say,  for  the  intention  he  had 
manifested,  in  some  way,  of  having  them  killed  by  the  roaming 
tribes.  The  compiler  of  the  Extra  Census  Bulletin,  Thomas 
Donaldson,  says  the  expedition  reached  Baxter  Springs, 
Kansas.  Having  returned  to  Tiguex,  Coronado,  who  was  not 
enjoying  good  health,  proposed  to  leave  at  once  for  New  Spain, 
and  the  proposition  was  gladly  seconded  by  the  whole  army, 
excepting  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla  and  the  lay  brother,  Luis 
de  Escalona,  who  wished  to  remain  in  the  country*,  as  they 
were  authorized  to  do  by  previous  permission  of  their  superior. 
Brother  L,uis  chose  to  stay  at  Tiguex  for  the  purpose  of 
baptizing  children  in  danger  of  death.  He  obtained  from 
Captain  Jaramillo  permission  to  keep  as  a  companion  a  young 
Indian  this  officer  had  as  a  servant,  and  who.  as  the  brother 
said,  would  easily  learn  the  language  of  the  Tiguex  Indians 
and  be  of  great  service  in  instructing  them. 

As  for  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  he  determined  to  return 
to  Quivira  with  the  guides  the  expedition  had  brought  from 
there.  He  started  with  them,  and  with  a  Portuguese  and 
a  negro  who  had  already  lived  about  a  year  in  the  country. 
He  took  some  sheep,  mules  and  a  horse,  his  church  vestments 
and  some  other  objects  of  little  value.  "I  do  not  know,"  saj's 
Jaramillo  '  'whether  it  was  for  the  interest  of  what  the  Father 
had  taken  with  him  or  for  another  cause,  that  the  Indians 
killed  him."  The  same  author  insinuates  that  the  murder 
of  the  priest  was  committed  at  the  instigation  of  some  Indians 
from  Tiguex.  At  the  end  of  his  historical  notes,  the  Captain 
adds  that  several  Indians  from  Culiacan  and  two  negroes  were 
left  b}'  the  army  in  the  country,  with  the  religious. 

(5)      The  Naval  Expedition  of  Fernando  Alarcon. 

At  the  time  the  viceroy  was  organizing  Coronado' s 
expedition  for  inland  explorations,  he  ordered  the  start,  from 
Colima,  of  two  vessels  under  the  command  of  Fernando 
Alarcon,  for  the  reconnaissance  of  the  sea  coast  in  the  same 
direction.  Alarcon  went  as  far  as  the  upper  part  of  the 
California  Gulf,  where  he  had  to  stand  a  severe  storm.      He 


33  Explorations  of  the  ^p^AynxKDif  £TC^ 

found  out  there  that,  what  had  been  called  the  Marquis  Island 
(Marquis  del  Valle,  or  Fernand  Cortez)  was  not  an  island,  but 
an  extension  of  land  which  forms  the  gulL  On  retracing  his; 
steps  south,  he  found  a  river,  which  he  followed  against  its- 
course  for  a  distance  of  fifteen  leagues,  but  here  he  had  to 
moor,  owing  to  the  swiftness  of  the  water  and  to  the  lack  of  an 
available  wind.  He  took  then  some  men  with  canoes,  which ^ 
in  order  to  avoid  the  main  stream,  they  had  to  tow  from  the 
shore,  and  went  up  about  eight}'  leagues  in  fifteen  and  a  half 
days.  At  that  point,,  the  Captain  learned  from  the  Indians 
that  the  Spaniards  were  fighting  with  the  inhabitants  of 
Cibola.  He  thought  he  could  not  safeh'  trj-  to  go  an}-  farther 
up  the  river,  and  took  the  stream  down  to  return  to  his  vessels,. 
which  he  reached  in  two  days.  Before  starting  for  New^ 
Spain,  Alarcon  car^-ed  a  cross  in  the  bark  of  a  big  tree,  and 
wrote  below:  *'Alarcon  has  passed  here.' '  This  cross,  as  also 
letters  which  the  captain  had  buried  at  the  foot  of  the  tree,, 
were  found,  a  short  time  later,  by  Captain  Melchior  Diaz,.  whO' 
had  come  from  Rio  Sonora,  where  he  had  been  left  by  Coronado 
until  further  orders  with  a  division  of  the  army. 

Alarcon  says  in  his  report,  that  the  Indians  he  met  along^ 
the  river  were  tall  and  stronglj'  built,  that  they  received  with 
pleasure  the  crosses  he  gave  them  and  venerated  them,  as  they 
were  told  to  do,  and  asked  to  be  taught  how  to  bless  them- 
selves, as  the  Spaniards  did,  before  the  crosses.  These  Indians 
were  very  numerous,  but  divided  into  small  tribes,  very 
often  at  war  with  one  another,  which  made  it  somewhat  difficult 
for  the  captain  and  his  party  to  introduce  themselves  from  one 
tribe  to  another,  as  the  interpreters  refused  to  follow  them  into 
the  places  occupied  bj^  their  enemies. 

{6)  Some  Remarks  of  the  Writer^  Explaining  the  Expedition  of 

Corona  do. 

We  have  given  extended  details  on  this  important 
expedition;  we  have  followed  it  in  its  march  and  progress, 
taking  notice  of  its  directions,  of  the  distances  it  went  over 
between  one  settlement  and  another,  of  the  rivers  it  crossed 
and.  of  every    indication   that    might   give    us  some   founded 


Exploration's  of  the  Spaniards  etc.  '39 

"notion  about  the  location  of  the  present  pueblos  which  were 
visited  and  conquered  by  the  expedition. 

As  regards  the  one  which  was  first  reached  by  the 
'Spaniards,  there  can  be  no  diversity  of  opinions.  The 
■description  of  Cibola  as  given  by  Marcos  de  Niza,  and  the 
■division  of  the  waters  in  its  vicinity,  as  noted  by  Jaramillo, 
■designate,  evidently  enough,  the  old  pueblo  of  Zuni,  a  village 
Tiot  far  from  the  eastern  border  of  Arizona,  and  well  known 
to  the  Indians  who  guided  Fray  Marcos  to  it.  We  have 
explained  why  it  was  called  Cibola,  a  name  which  was  used 
Toy  the  Indians  to  designate  the  "Cibola'  or  Buffalo  robes,  and 
which  was  applied  to  the  village  by  the  Indians  of  Sonora, 
because  it  was  from  its  inhabitants  that  they  purchased  the 
buffalo  skins. 

At  Zufii,  as  we  call  it  now,  Coronado  heard  of  another 
province  named  Tusayan  or  Tutahaco,  which  was  at  a  distance 
■of  twenty  five  leagues,  and  sent  Captain  Pedro  de  Tobar  to 
take  possession  of  it.  That  Tusayan  was  Moqui  or  one  of  its 
Aallages,  we  can  safely  infer  from  the  knowledge  the  Indians 
bad  of  the  Colorado  River  and  its  caiion,  of  which  they  spoke 
to  the  soldiers.  The  Moqui  villages,  in  fact,  are  nearer  the 
great  Caiion  of  the  Colorado  River  than  any  of  the  pueblos  of 
New  Mexico. 

From  Zuiii  or  Cibola  the  first  expedition  in  an  eastern 
direction  met  Acuco,  a  village  so  particularly  located,  that 
from  its  description,  any  one  acquainted  with  the  country', 
understands  that  it  was  the  pueblo,  which  was  called  Acome 
by  the  missionaries  and  which  is  designated  now  by  the 
name  of  Acoma. 

According  to  Jaramillo,  another  village,  the  name  of 
which  he  does  not  give,  was  found,  and  from  it  the  expedition 
reached  Tiguex  in  one  day.  The  village  not  designated  by  a 
name  must  have  been  Laguna,  which  stood  on  the  road  the 
expedition  had  naturally  to  follow  with  the  Indian  guides  who 
intended  to  take  the  Spaniards  to  Cicuye,    their  province. 

The  word  'Tiguex'  or  'Tigua'  was  the  name  of  a  province 
and  not  of  any  particular  village,  but  very  likely  for  want  of 
any  other,  the  Spaniards  applied  it  to  the  place  where  they  had 
to  fight  with  the  Indians  before  they  could  take  possession  of 


40  EXPLORATIOXS   OF  THE   SPANIARDS  ETC, 

the  province.  There  were,  says  Jaramillo,  twelve  or  fifteen 
villages  scattered  in  a  stretch  of  twent}'  leagues  on  both  sides 
of  a  river  which  the  soldiers  called  Cibola.  The  river  got 
frozen,  and  for  fotir  months  could  not  be  crossed.  This 
particular  indicates  plainly  that  this  river  could  be  no  other 
but  the  Rio  Grande,  with  the  villages  which  were,  and  are 
yet  some  of  them,  along  its  course.  As  for  the  one  which 
was  taken  possession  of  by  Fernando  Alvarado^  when  on 
his  wa}"  to  Cicuye,  and  where  Coronado  had  to  fight 
afterwards,  it  would  be  difficult  now  to  identify  it  by  its 
name.  We  can  onl}'  conjecture  from  the  road  the  Indian  guides 
must  have  taken,  and  from  the  distance  of  one  da^-'s  m^rch 
between  the  unknown  village  and  the  river,  that  it  must 
have  been  Isleta,  or  another  one  in  its  vicinit}-. 

Prof.  Charles  F.  lyummis  in  his  book  "The  Spanish 
Pioneers"  sa5's  that  Coronado  moved  for  the  winter  from 
Zufli  to  Tiguex,  where  now  stands  the  village  of  Bernalillo, 
and  "there  had  a  serious  and  discreditable  war  with  the 
Tigua  Pueblos."  This  statement  of  the  learned  ethnologist 
can  hardly  be  reconciled  with  the  narrative  of  Jaramillo,  who 
sa^^s  that  the  river,  having  become  frozen,  could  not  be 
crossed  for  the  length  of  four  months.  The  expedition  was 
then  encamped  or  quartered  somewhere  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  river,  and  not  on  the  left,  where  now  stands  Bernalillo. 

As  regards  the  pueblos  which  were  discovered  (without 
crossing  the  river)  i.  e.  west  of  the  river,  during  the  time  the 
army  had  to  remain  at  Tiguex,  we  easily  recognize  those 
which  were  on  the  Jemes  river,  whether  the}^  were  different 
from  those  we  have  to-day  or  not. 

This  is  as  much  as  we  can  consider  as  about  correct 
concerning  the  expedition  of  Coronado  in  New  Mexico. 


-^^^I^ 


CHAPITER  IV. 

Taji  Wrs^t  "Mr^sioN  Work  in  the  Pueblos  of  New  Mexico. 

(1)    Martyrdom  qf  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla^    Luis  de  Escalona, 
Juan  de  Santa  Marin,   Francisco  de  I^opez  and  Augustin  Ruiz-. 

Coronado,  as  has  been  stated  before,  took  with  him^ 
\vhen  starting  for  his  expedition  to  the  seven  cities  of  Cibola, 
the  Franciscan  Fathers,  Marcos  de  Niza,  who  knew  already 
the  road  as  far  as  the  principal  of  the  cities,  Antonio 
Victoria,  and  Juan  de  Padilla.  Of  these  three  religious, 
Antonio  Victoria  broke  his  leg  by  a  fall  from  his  horse, 
three  da3"S  after  his  start  from  Culiacan,  and  on  this  account 
was  sent  back  by  the  general  to  that  city,  where  the  main 
body  of  the  a.Tmy  had  been  left  and  where  he  could  receive 
proper  medical  attendance.  Another,  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza, 
as  also  stated  before,  did  not  come  an^^  farther  than  Zuiii, 
and  returned  from  there  to  New  Spain.  The  third,  Fray 
Juan  de  Padilla,  and  the  la^^  brother  L,uis  de  Escalona  are 
the  first  missionaries  who  tried  their  zeal  in  the  conversion 
of  the  Indians  in  New  Mexico,  though  for  only  a  very  short 
time.  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  who  had  followed  the  expedition 
to  Quivira,  and  who,  it  seems  thought  the  Indians  of  that 
■country  would  listen  to  his  instructions  better  than  those  of 
Tiguex,  who  had  been  very  badly  treated  by  the  Spaniards, 
started  back  for  the  plains  when  the  army  left  Tiguex  for  New 
Spain.  Whether  he  did  reach  Quivira  can  hardly  be  ascertained. 
John  Gilmary  Shea  (i)  thinks  that  the  Father  did,  but  found 


.  (1)    History  of  the  American  Catholic  Missions. 


42       The  First  Missiox  Work  ix  tie  Pueblos  of  Xeiv  INIexico. 

out  that  the  Quivira  Indians  were  not  wiUing  to  have  him 
among  them;  whereupon  he  determined  to  go  to  another  tribe, 
but  was  killed  by  the  same  Quiviras  when  on  his  way  to  it. 
According  to  Castaneda,  the  missionary  would  have  remained 
at  Quivira,  without  returning  to  Tiguex  with  the  expedition. 
"A  religious,"  he  writes,  "named  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  a 
Portuguese,  named  do  Campo,  a  negro,  and  some  Indians  from 
Capetlan,  Mexico,  remained  in  that  province.  The  natives 
killed  the  religious,  because  he  intended  to  visit  the  Guyas, 
who  were  their  enemies.  The  Portuguese  fled  on  horseback, 
upon  the  advice  of  the  priest,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  New 
Spain  b^?-  wa}'  of  Panuco.  The  Indians  from  Capetlan  buried 
the  priest  with  the  permission  of  his  murderers,  and  started 
after  the  Portuguese,  whom  they  overtook  after  a  few  da 3-5 
march." 

According  to  Jaramillo,  as  we  have  said  before,  the  priest 
ma}'  have  been  killed  bj'  his  guides,  perhaps  at- the  instigation 
of  some  Tiguex  Indians,  when  leaving  their  village  to  return 
to  Quivira.  This  opinion  would  be  supported,  to  some  extent, 
by  a  tradition  yet  current  in  New  Mexico,  which  has  it,  that 
the  body  of  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla  is  buried  in  the  church  of 
Isleta. 

As  regards  the  end  of  Brother  Luis  de  Escalona,  or  Juan 
de  la  Cruz,  as  some  call  him,  nothing  certain  is  known.  The 
brother,  as  we  have  said  before,  had  determined  to  remain  at 
Tiguex;  but  others  state  that  he  moved  to  Pecos,  where  he  was 
instructing  the  natives  successfully',  when  he  was  killed  by 
them,  at  the  instigation  of  the  medicine  men  who  thought  he 
was  gaining  too  much  popularity. 

Coronado,  before  leaving  Tiguex,  gave  to  the  priest  and 
to  the  brother  a  certain  number  of  sheep,  which  he  considered 
he  could  spare  to  help  the  two  religious,  who  were  parting 
from  him  to  work  for  the  glorj'  of  God,  and  for  the  salvation  of 
the  Indians,  not  to  say,  to  win  the  crown  of  mart^^dom  which 
was  prepared  for  them. 

As  the  expedition  was  not  successful  in  finding  large  cities 
and  wealthy  Indians,    as  was  expected  after  the  man}'  fabu- 
lous reports  which  had  been  made  about  the  countr}^  of  the' 
seven  cities,  it  was  considered  a  complete  failure.       Coronado 


The  Fikst  ^Mission  Work  in  the  Pueblos  of  New  Mexico.        43 

himself,  who,  as  Jaramillo  says,  did  not  think  much  of  any- 
thing except  of  increasing  the  large  fortune  he  possessed 
already'  in  New  Spain,  had  not  a  better  opinion  of  what  he  had 
achieved,  and  did  not  even  speak  of  the  country  he  had  ex- 
plored as  worthy  of  great  consideration.  From  the  account  he 
gave  to  the  emperor  Charles  V.  of  his  explorations,  and  by 
his  description  of  the  plains  of  the  buffaloes,  it  seems  that  he 
did  not  reach  the  Missouri  river.  The  valiant  General  had 
not  only  been  disappointed  in  his  expectations,  but  became 
discouraged  by  the  marked  dissatisfaction  of  the  rich  Spaniards 
whom  he  had  induced  to  follow  him. 

Owing  to  the  poor  impression  the  expedition  of  Coronado 
had  made  on  the  minds  of  the  Spaniards  who  lived  in  New 
Spain,  no  other  expedition  towards  the  north  was  thought  of, 
it  seems,  until  the  year  1581. 

At  this  period,  says  Fray  Geronimo  de  Zarate  Salmeron 
(i),,  God  willed  that  another  attempt  at  the  conversion  of  the 
Indians  should  be  made  by  a  lay  brother  of  St.  Francis,  Fray 
Agustin  Ruiz.  This  religious  was  employed  in  the  mission  of 
the  Conchos  Indians  at  Santa  Barbara,  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  State  of  Chihuahua.  Having  heard  of  man3^  tribes  in  the 
north  which  remained  without  missionaries  to  instruct  them  in 
the  true  faith,  he  volunteered  to  go  to  them  as  catechist, 
provided  two  priests  would  go  also  and  accept  his  services. 
The  superiors  agreed  to  the  proposition,  and  sent  to  him  for 
the  northern  missions  the  Fathers  Fray  Francisco  Lopez  and 
Fray  de  Santa  INIaria,  with  an  escort  of  twelve  soldiers,  granted 
by  the  vicero3^  After  travelling  about  two  hundred  leagues 
from  Santa  Barbara,  they  arrived  in  the  province  of  the  Tiguas 
who  lived  on  the  Rio  del  Norte,  about  four  hundred  leagues 
from  Mexico. 

On  reaching  the  Pueblo  of  Puaray,  (2)  the  soldiers  got 
afraid  at  the  sight  of  the  many  Indians  who  lived  there,  and 
went  back.     The  religious  remained,  and  were  kindly  received 


(1)  "Relaciones  sobre  El  Nucvo  Mexico,  clesde  el  ano  15"8  liasta  el  de  1626." 
(Mexico,  1656,  impienta  de  Vicente  de  Garcia  y  Torl-es.— Documentos  para  la 
hirtoria  de  Mexico.) 

(2)    I'uaray  was  located  about  half  way  between  Sandia  aud  Alameda. 


44       The  First  ilissiox  Work  ix  the  Pleblos  of  New  Mexico, 

bj'  the  natives,  who  had  comfortable  houses.  They  visited 
several  pueblos,  and  went  as  far  as  Galisteo,  where  the  Tanos 
lived.  Seeing  how  docile  were  all  these  natives,  the  Fathers 
thought  they  needed  help  to  instruct  them  and  determined 
that  one  of  their  party  should  go  back  for  some  other 
missionaries.  Fra}-  Juan  de  Santa  Maria,  who  was  acquainted 
with  astronomy,  was  selected  for  the  purpose.  He' very  likely 
started  from  Galisteo,  and  in  order  not  to  go  back  by  Puaray, 
thought  he  could  go  by  the  Salinas  more  directly  to  El  Paso. 
On  the  third  day  after  leaving  his  companions,  he  w^as  killed 
by  some  roaming  Tiguas  at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  where  he  had 
stopped  to  rest  and  take  his  direction.  The  same  Indians 
burned  his  body  and  buried  the  ashes  in  the  same  spot.  From 
Galisteo,  the  other  two  religious  went  back  to  Puaray. 

Not  knowing  what  had  happened  to  Fray  Juan  de  Santa 
Maria,  these  two  men  of  God  who,  as  Davis  says  (i)  "put 
their  faith  and  hope  in  things  not  of  this  world,  remained  with 
cheerfulness  among  these  heathen  nations,  to  instruct  them  in 
the  knowledge  of  the  living  God."  A  few  da^^s  after,  on  one 
evening,  continues  Zarate  Salmeron,  when  Fray  Francisco 
lyopez  was  reading  his  office,  at  a  short  distance  from  the 
pueblo,  he  was  killed  by  an  Indian  with  a  'macana',  short 
wooden  stick,  as  was  seen  b}^  the  marks  left  on  his  skull. 
Brother  Agustin  gave  his  body  a  Christian  sepulchre  in  the 
pueblo.  The  chieftain  of  the  tribe  felt  grieved  for  the  death  of 
the  Father,  and  in  order  to  save  the  brother  from  a  similar 
fate,  took  him  to  the  pueblo  of  Santiago  where  he  lived,  about 
one  league  and  a  half  up  the  river.  In  spite  of  tMs  protection, 
which  could  not  be  uninterrupted,  the  brother  was  killed  also, 
and  his  body  thrown  into  the  river  at  the  time  of  a  flood.  In 
this  manner,  the  three  religious  were  killed  by  the  Tiguas, 
and  it  has  been  asserted  that  in  the  same  little  corner,  five 
martyrs  gave  their  lives  for  the  glory  of  God,      ( 2 ) 

At  the  time  Father  Zarate  Salmeron  was  writing,  that  is 
to  say,  in  1629,  he  remarked  that  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  had 

(1)  History  of  the  Conquest  of  New  Mexico. 

(2)  By  counting  five  martyrs  killed  by  the  Tiguas,  Father  Zarate  Salmeron 
takes  the  opinion  of  Jaramillo  about  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  who  would  have  been 
murdered  at  Tiguex  and  not  at  Quivira,  as  stated  by  Castafleda  and  others  after 
him. 


The  First  ]\Iissiox  Work  ix  the  Pueblos  of  New  Mexico.        45 

brought  forth  good  fruit,  as  he  could  see  b^'  the  church  records 
that  up  to  that  time,  34,650  baptisms  had  been  administered 
in  the  pueblos,  and  fort3'  three  churches  or  chapels  built,  with- 
out any  help  from  the  government. 

"The  body  of  Padre  Fray  Francisco  Lopez"  we  quote 
from  Salmeron,  "remained  where  it  had  been  buried  by  brother 
Agustin  Ruiz  until  thirty  three  3-ears  later,  when  an  Indian  of 
Puaray,  who  had  witnessed  the  death  and  burial  of  the  Father, 
indicated  to  the  commissan.'  of  the  missions,  Fra^'  Estevan  de 
Perea,  the  place  where  the  bod}'  had  been  deposited.  The 
bones  were  unearthed  and  translated  by  the  religious  and  many 
people,  arrayed  in  procession,  to  the  church  of  Sandia  about  a 
good  league  distant." 

[2)    The  Expedition  of  Don  Antonio  Espejo. 

When  the  soldiers  who  had  fled  from  Puaray  reached  the 
mission  of  Santa  Barbara  and  told  in  what  danger  the^'  had  left 
the  missionaries,  the  Franciscan  Fathers  felt  greatly  alarmed. 
They  considered  it  their  duty  to  see  how  the}'  could  send  some 
protection  to  their  brothers  or  how  to  bring  them  back  to  their 
former  missions,  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Bartolome. 

Recourse  to  the  viceroy  required  too  much  time,  as  the 
distance  between  the  missions  just  named  and  the  Cit}'  of 
iVIexico,  was  two  hundred  leagues;  but  the  difficulty  was 
avoided  by  the  offer  that  Don  Antonio  de  Espejo,  a  rich 
Spaniard  from  Mexico,  who  happened  to  be  at  Santa  Barbara, 
made,  to  start  at  once,  at  his  own  expense,  an  expedition 
towards  the  north,  in  search  of  the  endangered  missionaries. 
As  for  the  royal  authorization  which  was  needed  for  the 
purpose,  it  was  granted  by  the  'Alcalde  Mayor',  chief  justice, 
as  a  matter  of  urgency. 

Antonio  de  Espejo  hurried  as  much  as  he  could  to  find  the 
soldiers  and  servants,  and  make  the  necessary'  provisions  for 
the  journej-.  On  the  loth  of  November  1582,  he  left  San 
Bartolome  with  one  hundred  and  fifteen  men,  pack  mules  and 
plenty  of  arms  and  ammunition,  (i)  The  chaplain  of  the 
expedition  was  Fray  Bernardino  Beltran.     On  the  second  day 

(1)    MS.  of  Espejo"s  journey,  without  name  of  the  author,  in  possession  of  B.  M. 
Kead,  Santa  Fe. 


<6        The  First  Mission-  Work  rs  the  Pueblos  of  Xew  ^Iexico^ 

after  the  start,  were  reached  the  'Rancherias',  villages  of  the 
Conchos,  -vvho  received  the  Spaniards  with  manifestations  of 
joy;  from  there  the  expedition  came  to  Passaquates,  and  next 
to  the  Tobosos,  who  fled  to  the  mountains,  and  could  not 
be  persuaded  that  they  had  no  reason  to  be  afraid.  The 
expedition  followed  up  the  river  (Rio  Grande)  for  a  number  of 
days,  finding  villages  with  good  houses,  but  their  names 
could  not  be  had  for  want  of  an  interpreter.  Following 
further  they  met  a  tribe  in  which  they  found  some  signs  of  the 
true  faith.  '"'They  spoke  of  God  whom  they  called  'Apalito'' 
in  their  language,  as  living  above,  and  considered  Him  as 
Creator,  who  had  given  them  natural  life  and  to  whom  they 
were  indebted  for  all  temporal  goods.  Many  of  them,  men,, 
women  and  children,,  came  to  Father  Beltran  for  his  blessing." 

On  asking  them  by  signs  who  had  given  them  these 
notions  of  the  true  religion,  the  answer  they  gave  was,  that 
three  christians  and  a  negro  who  had  spent  some  time  among 
them,  had  given  them  some  religious  instruction.  These,  no- 
doubt,  were  Alvar  Nunez,  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Dorantes,  Castillo 
Maldonado  and  the  negro  we  have  spoken  of  before.  By 
these  friendly  and  half-christian  Indians,  the  Spaniards  w^ere 
introduced  to  some  neighboring  tribes  where  notice  was  given 
them  of  the  death  of  the  three  religious.  At  last  they  reached 
the  villages  of  the  Tiguas,  but  their  inhabitants,  fearing  to  be 
punished,  as  they  rightly  deserved,  for  the  death  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, left  their  homes  and  took  refuge  in  the  moun- 
tains, where  the  expedition  could  not  follow  them, 

Espejo  visited  several  parts  of  the  country  but  did  not  dis- 
cover anything  that  had  not  been  explored  by  Coronado.  The 
chronicler  says  that  the  name  of  New  Mexico  was  given  to  the 
country  by  the  soldiers  of  Espejo,  who  found  it,  in  many  things, 
similar  to  the  Mexico  of  New  Spain. 

The  manuscript  does  not  say  that  Espejo  started  any 
Spanish  settlement  or  built  any  churches.  He  had  come  only 
for  the  purpose  of  helping  the  missionaries,  had  he  found  them 
alive;  and  what  he  explored  of  the  country,  seems  to  have  been 
merely  foi  pleasure.  The  expedition  was  back  to  San  Bar- 
tolome,  the  place  it  had  started  from,  in  July,  1583. 


tHAPTER  V.  ■ 
The  Expedition  of  Don  Juan  de  Onate,  Bringing  Cot<> 

NIZERS  AND  ChRISTIANIZERS  TO  New  MeXICO. 

According  to  Fray  Geronimo  Zarate  Salmeron,  already 
mentioned,  Juan  de  Ofiate  started  from  the  City  of  Mexico  in 
the  year  1596,  not  exactly  to  explore  New  Mexico,  which  was 
already  known,  but  to  colonize  and  Christianize  it,  as  far  as 
■circumstances  would  allow. 

He  secured  first  eight  zealous  priests  and  two  lay  brothers, 
\vho  would  follow  him  to  the  far  north,  and  work  for  the  con- 
version of  the  Indians,  and  at  the  same  time  would  take  care 
of  the  Spanish  colonies  he  might  be  able  to  found.  These 
priests,  and  the  brothers,  all  religious  of  St.  Francis,  were : 
Fray  Alonzo  Martinez,  the  commissary  of  the  priests  for  the 
journey ;  Fray  Francisco  de  San  Miguel ;  Fray  Francisco  de 
Zamora ;  Fray  Juan  de  Rosas  ;  Fray  Alonzo  de  Lugo ;  Fray 
Andres  Corchado  ;  Fray  Juan  Claros  ;  Fray  Cristoval  de  Salazar 
and  the  lay  brothers,  Juan  de  Bustamante  and  Pedro  de  Vergara. 

At  the  start  Juan  de  Oiiate  had  seven  hundred  experienced 
soldiers  and  a  number  of  other  distinguished  persons,  but  for 
reasons  not  given  by  Padre  Salmeron,  the  march  had  soon  to 
be  stopped  for  nearly  three  months.  This  contretemps  had 
for  result  the  desertion  of  two  hundred  men  from  the  camp. 
When  definitely  permitted  to  resume  its  march,  the  expedition 
was  composed  of  four  hundred  Spanish  soldiers,  one  hundred 
married  men  with  their  families,  and  a  number  of  faithful  In- 
dians.    It  had  to  travel  slowly,  on  all  kinds  of  roads,  with  poor 


48  The  ExrEDiiiox  of  Don  Jvas  de  Os'xte, 

facilities  for  the  transportation  of  baggage  and  provisions  ;  and 
this  explains  why  it  was  only  at  the  end  of  April,  1598,  that  it 
reached  the  Rio  del  Norte,  at  'el  pueblo  de  Puaray.'  Here,, 
says  Padre  Zarate  Salmeron  followed  by  Padre  Marcelino' 
Civezza  (i),  after  a  solemn  mass  and  sermon,  was  performed 
the  ceremony  of  planting  the  cross  and  taking  possession  of 
New  Mexico  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain.  For  several 
days  the  chiefs  of  the  neighboring  pueblos  were  summoned  to 
appear,,  and  asked  to  give  their  adhesion  to  what  had  been  done,, 
which  they  did  not  refuse. 

As  the  General  was  anxious  to  find  a  suitable  location  for 
the  establishment  of  a  Spanish  colon}-,  he  did  not  stay  long 
among  the  Indians  who  occupied  the  Rio  Grande  valle}^  for  a 
long  distance,  but  kept  on  going  up  the  river  as  far  as  about 
thirty  miles  above  Santa  Fe.  Here  he  found  good  vacant  lands- 
with  facilities  for  irrigation,  and  a  place  was  selected  for  the 
first  Spanish  settlement  in  New  Mexico, 

Here  arises  the  difficulty  of  finding  out  where  lay  the 
selected  location.  John  Gilmar>^  Shea  says  t  '  'This  first  seat 
of  Spanish  occupation  in  New  Mexico  was  about  two  mileS' 
west  of  the  former  Pueblo  of  Ojke,  to  which  the  Spaniards  gave 
the  name  of  San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros,  and  the  proposed  city,, 
instead  of  its  intended  name  of  San  Francisco,,  is  referred  to  as 
the  'Real  de  San  Juan.'  " 

The  same  author  .states  that  the  selected  site  was  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

This  opinion  is  contradicted  by  Charles  F.  lyummis  (2) 
who  says  the  colony  was  located  on  the  west  side  of  the  river, 
at  the  place  called  'El  Yunque/  where  now  stand.s  the  railroad 
station  bearing  the  name  of  Chamita  Station, 

Be  this  as  it  ma3%  as  soon  as  the  Spaniards  knew  where 
they  were  to  stop,  they  thought  of  building  a  house  to  the  glory 
of  God,  before  doing  anything  in  the  shape  of  substantial  habi- 
tations for  themselves.  "On  the  23d  of  August,"  saj's  Shea 
(3),  "the  erection  of  the  first  church  in   New  Mexico  was  be- 


(1)  Historia  Generale  delle  Missioni  Franciscane.    Prato-Tipografia  Giaehetti.. 
Figlio  &  Co.,  I8al, 

(2)  Lummis,  The  Spanish  Pioneer.s.    (A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co.,  Chicago,  1893.> 
C3)    The  Church  i-n  the  Colonies,  book  ii.,  chapter  2. 


VIII.     The  Crucifixion, 

Taken  from  an  ancient  Spanish  Crucifix,  brought  to  Mexico 
by  the  early  missionaries,  and  presented  to  Major  A.  J.  Dallas, 
U.  S.  A.,  by  Most  Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe,  D.  D. 

Despised,  a  iiiiin  of  sorrow  and  acquainted  witli  iuflrniity.    Is.    I,  III,  H. 
He  was  wounded  for  our  iniquities,  He  was  bruised  for  our  sins.   Is      I,  III,  5. 


IX.  Old  Cathedral  of  Santa  Fe,  N.  Mex 


X.  Santa  Cruz  Church,  Santa  \<k   Co.,  N.  Mex. 


The  Expedition  of  Don  Juan  de  Ox  ate.  49 

gun,  and  on  the  7th  of  September,  a  building,  a  wooden 
structure  according  to  Fray  de  Givezza,  large  enough  to  ac- 
commodate the  settlers  and  garrison,  was  completed.  The 
next  day,  the  feast  of  the  Nativity  of  Our  Lady,  this  church  was 
dedicated  under  the  name  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  Father 
Commissar}^,  Alonzo  Martinez,  blessing  it  and  consecrating  the 
altars  and  chalices.  Father  Christopher  Salazar  preached  the 
sermon,  and  the  daj^  wound  up  with  a  general  rejoicing." 

"In  this  church"  writes  Fray  Marcelino  de  Civezza, 
already  mentioned  "were  collected  by  the  Padres  all  the  memo- 
rials they  could  find  of  the  three  of  their  Brothers  who  had 
been  killed  in  the  country.  Among  other  rer'cs  was  the  paten 
of  the  chalice  which  had  been  used  by  Padre  lyOpez,  and  which 
they  obtained  from  a  chief  who  had  made  it  his  own  property, 
and  wore  it  hanging  from  his  neck,  as  an  ornamental  breast 
piece. 

After  the  inauguration  of  this  centre  of  religious  action, 
the  Commissary,  Fray  Alonzo  Martinez,  assigned  to  the  priests 
the  New  Mexico  provinces,  as  follows :  To  Fray  Francisco 
de  San  Miguel  the  province  of  Pecos;  to  F.  Francisco  de 
Zamora,  that  of  Picuries  and  Taos;  to  F.  Juan  de  Rosas,  that  of 
the  Queres;  to  F.  Alonzo  de  L,ugo,  that  of  Jemes;  to  F.  Andres 
Corochado,  the  Zia  misssion;  toF.  Juan  Claros,  the  province  of 
the  Tiguas  and  to  F.  Cristoforo  Salazar,  that  of  the  Teguas; 
the  Commissary  remaining  at  San  Juan  Bautista  with  the  two 
lay  brothers. 

The  church  spoken  of  was,  as  already  stated,  the  first  one 
built  in  Nev/  Mexico,  but  the  gospel  had  been  preached  in  the 
same  country  by  the  five  religious  who,  as  we  have  seen  before, 
were  killed  by  the  Indians.  The  date  of  the  beginning  of  mis- 
sion work  among  our  Indian  tribes  must  be  assigned  to  the  time 
they  were  first  visited  by  the  expedition  of  Coronado,  that  is  to 
say,  1540. 

The  priests  who  had  come  with  Onate  having  been  ap- 
pointed by  their  Superior  to  their  respective  fields  of  labor, 
commenced  to  build  churches  which  they  designated,  each  of 
them,  by  the  name  of  a  Patron  Saint.  "Thus  Puary  was 
placed  under  the  patronage  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua  ;  Santo 

4 


50  The  Expedition  of  Dox  Jl'an  de  OnaTe!, 

Domingo   was   dedicated   to   Oiir   Lad}^   of  the   Assumption }' 
Picuries  to  St.  Bonaventura  and  Galisteo  to  St.  Anne."      (i) 

All  through  the  summer  of  the  same  year,  1598,  the  chiefs 
of  the  Pueblos  came  to  the  San  Juan  settlement  and  made  their 
submission  to  the  Spanish  authorit}'.  In  December,  however, 
news  reached  the  General  that  the  Acoma  Indians  had  re- 
belled and  killed  his  Lieutenant  and  several  of  his  men. 
"Onate  sent  a  detachment  which  stormed  the  height,  captured 
the  town  after  a  stubborn  resistance,  and  gave  it  to  the  flames  ; 
soon  after  the  Commander  successfully  repelled  an  Indian  at- 
tack on  his  camp  at  San  Juan. "      ( 2 ) 

At  the  beginning  of  1599  (we  take  from  Shea)  Oiiate  sent 
to  Mexico  Captain  Villagra  with  Fathers  Martinez  and  Salazar 
to  give  an  account  of  his  conquest.  Father  Salazar  died  on  the 
way,  and  the  Commissary  Martinez  was  so  sick  and  exhausted 
when  he  reached  the  Cit}'  of  Mexico  that  he  could  not  return. 
He  was  succeeded  in  office  b^^  Father  John  de  Escalona,  who 
came  to  New  Mexico  with  six  or  eight  new  priests  and  about 
two  hundred  soldiers.  "Meanwhile,"  says  our  author,  "Oiiate 
had  abandoned  the  site  selected  east  of  the  Rio  Grande  and, 
crossing  that  river,  founded  San  Gabriel  on  the  Chama,  six 
leagues  north  of  the  junction  and  near  the  Ojo  Caliente."  The 
new  colony  having  been  established  in  the  vicinity  of  several 
villages  of  peaceful  Indians,  Oiiate,  leaving  his  colony  busily 
engaged  in  preparing  lands  for  the  plantation  of  crops,  set  out 
in  October,  1599,  with  the  Fathers  Pedro  Velasco  and  Pedro 
Vergara  and  eighty  soldiers,  for  the  Quivira,  a  country  already 
explored  by  Coronado.  The  two  mentioned  Franciscan  priests, 
says  Padre  Marcelino  Civezza  after  Shea,  had  for  their  chief 
object  to  look  for  the  remains  of  their  brother,  Juan  de  Padilla, 
who  had  been  killed  b}'  the  Quivira  Indians,  After  traveling 
first  northeast  and  then  east  a  distance  of  about  two  hundred 
leagues,  the  expedition  reached  Quivira,  whose  inhabitants 
were  at  war  with  the  Escanjaques,  a  nomadic  tribe  of  the  plains. 

During  the  expedition,  the  Franciscans  who  had  remained 
in  the  colony,  applied  themselves  to  the  studj^  of  the  languages 
spoken  by  the  neighboring  tribes.     As  regards  the  religion  of 


(1)  Shea. 

(2)  Shea. 


The  Expedition*  of  Box  Jcan  de  OSate.  51 

the  Indians,  they  could  obtain  only  some  confused  informa- 
tion. They  found  out,  however,  that  these  aborigines  wor- 
shipped three  divinities,  named  respective^,  Cocapo,  Cachina 
and  Homace.  The  first  deity  had  a  kind  of  oratory,  where 
stood  its  statue  holding  a  bunch  of  grapes  in  one  hand,  and  a 
tuft  of  ears  of  corn  in  the  other.  There  an  old  priestess  had 
the  direction  of  the  worship  paid  to  the  deity. 

As  the  absence  of  Onate  lasted  longer  than  was  expected, 
the  settlers  and  soldiers  left  at  San  Gabriel  felt  unprotected  in 
the  new  colony,  and  determined  to  go  back  to  the  mission  of 
Santa  Barbara,  State  of  Chihuahua,  with  the  exception,  says 
Marcelino  Civezza,  of  the  Padres  Francisco  de  San  ISIiquele, 
Zamora,  two  lay  brothers  and  some  Spaniards.  The  General 
came  shortly  after  the  desertion  of  his  colonists,  who,  in  his 
opinion,  deserved  no  other  punishment  but  that  of  death  ;  but 
at  the  request  of  the  priests  and  of  those  who  remained  with 
them  in  the  colony,  he  consented  to  oblige  them  only  to  come 
back.  When  they  started  from  Santa  Barbara,  six  other  priests, 
already  experienced  in  the  work  of  the  Indian  missions,  were 
joined  to  them,  and  with  this  help  it  became  easy  for  the  San 
Gabriel  mission  to  make  progress,  and  to  extend  the  field  of 
labor  of  the  missionaries. 

According  to  Shea,  in  1604,  Oilate  set  out  from  San  Ga- 
briel for  an  exploration  in  the  direction  of  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific.  Accompanied  by  Father  Escobar,  one  of  the  priests 
who  had  been  sent  from  Santa  Barbara  with  the  deserters  from 
San  Gabriel,  he  visited  Zuiii  and  the  Moqui  tow^is,  then  reached 
the  Colorado  and  Gila,  and  following  the  former  to  its  mouth, 
taking  possession  in  the  name  of  the  King  on  the  25th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1605,  assigning,  as  far  as  he  could,  the  whole  extent  of  the 
province  he  had  explored  to  the  Franciscans,  who,  in  memory 
of  the  day,  made  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul  the  patronal  feast 
of  the  mission  of  New  Mexico. 

The  city  of  Santa  Fe  was  founded  by  Oiiate  in  1605  or 
1606,  and  San  Gabriel  was  deserted  at  the  same  time.  The 
reason  for  suppressing  this  mission  so  soon  after  its  foundation 
seems  to  be  because  the  Governor  General  had  not  sufficient 
force  to  protect  a  settlement  at  San  Gabriel  and  anoth-^r  at 
Santa  Fe,  and  thought  it  better,  for  the  present  at  least,  to  mass 


52  The  Expedition  of  Don*  Juak  de  OSate, 

all  the  white  population  where  he  had  determined  to  locate  the 
seat  of  the  government  of  the  province.  The  new  town  hav- 
ing been  assigned  its  site,  there  cannot  be  any  doubt  but  that 
Oiiate  and  his  people,  faithful  to  the  Spanish  traditions,  thought 
at  once  of  building  a  church  for  holding  divine  service.  This, 
we  are  inclined  to  believe,  was  that  of  San  Miguel,  which,  as 
we  will  see  later  on,  was  burned  in  the  Pueblo  revolt  of  1680. 
This  church,  of  course,  was  a  small  structure,  built  for  the  use 
of  a  very  limited  population.  Meanwhile,  as  we  take  it  from 
Shea,  the  missionaries  in  the  Pueblos  worked  successfulh^ 
and  could  report  in  the  year  1 608  eight  thousand  baptisms  that 
they  had  already  administered. 

The  same  author  writes  that  Pedro  Geronimo  de  Zarate 
Salmeron  ( i )  was  for  eight  3^ears  missionary  to  the  Jemes,  with 
charge  of  the  Pueblos  of  Zia,  Santa  Ana  and  Acoma.  He  be- 
came so  proficient  in  the  languages  of  the  tribes  that  he  made 
man}'  converts  among  them,  and  wrote  a  catechism  in  the  Jemes 
language  for  the  use  of  the  priests  who  should  succeed  him  in 
the  same  mission. 

We  extract  the  following  interesting  details  from  a  letter 
written  from  Santa  Fe  in  the  j^ear  1778  by  Fray  Silvester  Velez 
de  Escalante  to  one  of  his  superiors  in  Mexico,  the  Rev.  Padre 
Lector,  Fray  Juan  Agustin  Mofi,  about  the  historical  docu- 
ments to  be  found  in  the  Archives  of  Santa  Fe.      ( 2 ) 

The  Rev.  Father  Velez  states  at  first  that  all  the  old  man- 
uscripts were  destroyed  in  the  general  revolt  of  the  pueblos  in 
1680,  and  that  from  this  date  to  1692,  there  are  but  few  scat- 
tered records,  which,  though  posterior  to  the  revolt,  mention 
occasionally  some  facts  and  names  of  the  past.  From  these  he 
found  out  that  in  1645  Don  Fernando  de  Arguello  had  charge 
of  the  government  ;  Don  Fernando  de  Ugarte  in  1659  ;  and, 
successively  after  this,  General  de  la  Concha,  Don  Fernando  de 
Nilla  Nueva,  Don  Juan  de  IMedrano,  Don  Juan  de  Miranda, 
Don  Juan  Francisco  Trevino,  who  was  succeeded  by  Antonio 
de  Otermin  in  the  year  1678. 


(1)  Salmeron,  to  whom  history  is  iudebted  for  "Las  rehiciones  de  todas  las 
cosas  que  en  el  Nuevo  Mexico  se  han  vi&to  y  sabido  desde  el  aiio  1538  hasta  el  de 
i626." 

(2)  Velez  de  Escalante,  Documentes  para  la  historia  de  ilexico. 


The  Expedition  of  D<:)N  Juax  de  OSate.  53 

Before  this  time  there  were  in  the  province  forty-six  Chris- 
tian pueblos.  "In  1617,"  says  Lummis,  (i)  "(three years  be. 
fore  Plymouth  Rock)  there  were  already  eleven  churches  in 
use  in  Nevv'  Mexico.  Santa  Fe  was  the  only  Spanish  town  ; 
but  there  were  also  churches  at  the  dangerous  Indian  pueblos 
of  Galisteo  and  Pecos,  two  at  Jemes  (nearly  one  hundred  miles 
west  of  Santa  Fe  and  in  an  appalling  wilderness),  Taos  (as  far 
north),  San  Ildefonso,  Santa  Clara,  Sandia,  San  Felipe  and 
Santo  Domingo.  It  was  a  wonderful  achievement,  for  each 
lonely  missionary,  for  they  had  neither  civil  nor  military  assist- 
ance in  their  parishes,  so  soon  to  have  induced  his  barbarous 
flock  to  build  a  big  stone  church  and  worship  the  new  white 
God." 

Of  the  forty-six  Christian  pueblos  spoken  of  by  Father 
Velez,  seven  were  destroyed  by  the  Apache  Indians  some  time 
before  the  3'ear  1 680.  These  were :  Jahuicu  or  Chianahue  in 
the  province  of  Zuni,  Chilili,  Tajique  and  Quarac  of  the  Teguas  ; 
Abo,  Jumancas  and  Tabira  (called  to-day  Gran  Quivira)  of  the 
Tompiros  Indians,  all  located  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Sandia 
mountain,  and  two,  more  properly  in  the  valley  of  the  "Sa- 
linas," salt  lakes.  At  this  time  the  Apaches  surrounded  New 
Mexico,  except  on  the  northwest,  which  was  occupied  by  the 
Yutas.  The  Comanches  were  not  known  in  the  province  until 
they  were  introduced  by  the  Yutas  in  the  pueblo  of  Taos, 
towards  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century. 


(I)    The  Spanish  Pioneers,  already  mentioned. 


CHAPITER  VI, 

The     Condition    of     the    Missions    of     New    Mexico 
IN  1626.     (i) 

The  missions  of  New  Mexico,  which,  thus  far,  had  been 
under  the  direction  of  the  superior  of  the  college  of  St.  Francis 
established  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  were  erected  June  10,  1626, 
into  a  province  of  the  Franciscan  Order  with  the  name  of 
"Conversion  of  St.  Paul,"  and  intrusted  to  the  special  care  of 
Fray  Alphonso  de  Bernavides,  as  its  first  "Custodio,"  custodian 
or  guardian. 

As  soon  as  the  Custodio  had  visited  all  the  missions  already 
established  in  New  Mexico,  he  made  on  them  a  full  report  or 
memorial,  which  was  presented  the  same  3^ear,  1626,  to  the 
King  of  Spain,  Philip  IV.,  by  Fray  Juan  de  Santander,  the 
Commissary  General  of  the  Brothers  Minor  of  the  Indies. 

As  the  report  contains  many  interesting  details  on  the 
pueblos  which  were  then  visited  bj'  Fra}^  Bernavides,  we  take 
pleasure  in  extracting  or  quoting  largely  from  it. 

(1)     The  Nation  or  Peovlc  ivho  Lire  on  the  Way  to  Neiv  Mexico. 

The  realm  and  provinces  of  New  Mexico  are  situated  at 
four  hundred  leagues  north  of  the  Cit>^  of  Mexico.  Santa  Bar- 
bara (State  of  Chihuahua)  is  the  last  town  of  New  Spain,  whose 
northern  boundary'  is  given  bj^  the  Rio  Conchos.  From  there, 
traveling  about  one  hundred  leagues  in  the  direction  of  the  Rio 
del  Norte  by  a  difiicult  and  dangerous  road,  are  found  the 


(1)  We  extract  the  contents  of  this  chapter  from  a  memorial  sent  to  the  King 
of  Spain  in  1626  by  Fray  Alfonso  de  Bernavides  ou  the  conversion  of  New  Mexico. 
Published  in  French  by  Francois  Vivien,  1631,  Bruxelles. 


Tme  Condition  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  in  1626.        55 

tribes  of  the  Tobosos,  the  Tarahum^res,  the  Tepeoanes,  the 
Tomites,  the  Sumas,  the  Hauos  and  others,  all  ver3^  wild  and 
often  at  war  with  one  another. 

(2)     The   Nation  called  ^'The  Manzos,''  Peaceable  Indians   on 
Rio  del  Norte. 

This  nation  occupies  one  hundred  leagues  going  up  the 
river.  These  Indians  lived  in  small  huts  covered  with  foliage  ; 
they  practiced  no  agriculture,  and  subsisted  on  game  and  fish. 
The  men  wore  no  clothing  of  any  kind,  while  the  women  were 
decently  covered  with  deer  skins  from  the  waist  to  the  lower 
part  of  the  body.  They  did  not  cook  their  food  ;  they  ate  raw 
meat,  and  had  no  other  instruments  to  cut  it  but  their  teeth  or 
a  fragment  of  obsidian.  As  to  neatness  in  their  manner  of 
eating,  they  knew  it  not ;  they  did  not  even  take  the  trouble  of 
removing  the  intestines  of  the  animals  before  devouring  them. 
The  Manzos,  sa3-s  the  Father,  are  robust  and  strong ;  they 
manifested  the  desire  of  having  religious  to  instruct  and  baptize 
them.  This  nation,  it  seemed  to  the  Guardian,  could  be  con- 
verted to  the  true  faith  if  the  King  could  send  four  religious 
with  twent}^  soldiers  to  protect  them,  at  least  until  thej^  should 
have  their  missions  established.  As  for  himself,  all  he  could 
do  at  that  time,  was  to  plant  the  sign  of  our  redemption  in  that 
land  and  pray  to  God  for  the  speedy  conversion  of  its  inhabi- 
tants. 

(J)      The  Beginning  of  the  Apache. 

At  thirt}^  leagues  north  of  the  Manzos  lived  the  Apaches, 
called  '  'of  the  Perrillo' '  after  the  name  of  the  spring  w^hich  sup- 
plied them  with  water.  These  men  are  good  warriors,  with  a 
nobility  of  manners  which  .  inspires  more  confidence  than  the 
Indians  of  other  tribes. 

{4)     Province  and  Nation  of  the  Piros,  Senecu,  Socorro,  formerly 
Pilabo,  and  Sevilleta,  today  La  Joya. 

Going  again  to  the  Rio  del  Norte,  one  discovers  the  first 
inhabitants  of  the  Piros,  forming  several  towns  of  houses,  one 
or  two  stories  high,  built  with  brick  dried  in  the  sun,  and  hav- 
ing galleries  looking  on  the  streets.  The  people  of  this  province 
are  clothed,  and  form  a  kind  of  republic  or  community  governed 


56        The  Coxditiox  of  the  Mission's  of  Xew  Mexico  in  1626. 

by  their  chiefs  or  captains.  The}-  cultivate  the  soil,  success- 
full}'  planting,  not  only  their  own  seeds,  but  those  they  have 
received  from  the  missionaries.  This  province  has  not  been 
converted  yet,  but  it  seems  that  God  wiUed  that  its  hour  should 
have  come  this  year  of  1626,  the  first  of  m}-  charge.  I  offered 
myself  to  Our  Lord  for  the  conversion  of  its  people,  and  there  I 
consecrated  and  dedicated  to  the  Most  High  their  principal  town 
under  the  title  of  "Our  Lady  of  Socorro."  God  has  been  pleased 
to  help  me  in  this  work,  as  all  these  people  were  baptized  dur- 
ing the  same  year,  and  live  today  a  true  Christian  life,  I  have 
founded  and  established  in  the  province  three  convents  with 
their  churches,  viz  :  That  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua  in  the  town 
of  Senecu  ( i ) ,  another  at  Pilabo,  and  the  third  at  Sevilleta. 
This  last  one  is  consecrated  to  St.  Louis,  bishop,  of  our  Order. 

According  to  A.  F.  Bandelier,  Seneca  was  located  at  about 
eighteen  miles  below  the  present  town  of  Socorro,  and  it  would 
be  in  this  pueblo  that  the  first  grapevines  introduced  in  New 
Mexico  were  planted  in  the  first  part  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury.    The  pueblo  was  abandoned  about  1675. 

In  the  mountains  or  hills  of  Socorro,  says  Padre  Bernavides, 
are  found  mines  which  extend  from  north  to  south  a  distance 
of  over  fiftj^  leagues.  The  pro\'ince  of  the  Piros,  beginning 
from  the  town  of  San  Antonio  (Senecu)  extends  about  fifteen 
leagues  going  up  the  Rio  del  Norte,  as  far  as  the  town  of  St. 
Louis  de  Sevilleta.  Its  villages,  fifteen  in  number,  are  located 
on  both  sides  of  the  river  and  have  a  population  of  six  thous- 
and souls,  all  baptized.  The  religious,  besides  instructing  their 
people  in  our  holy  faith,  have  their  schools  in  which  they  teach 
reading,  writing,  music  and  several  trades. 

(o)     Teoa  {Tigua)  Nation.. 

At  seven  leagues  still  farther  to  the  north  after  leaving  the 
Piros,  is  found  the  Teoa  nation,  which  comprises  fifteen  or  six- 
teen towns,  located  on  the  river  and  embracing  a  distance  of 
about  thirteen  leagues. 

It  has  7,000  inhabitants,  all  baptized,  and  the  convents  of 
San  Antonio  de  Sandia,  and  San  Antonio  de  Isleta.     There  are 


(I)    Seuecu,  according  to  A.  F.  Bandelier's  final  report  of  investigation  among 
the  Indians  of  the  Southwestern  United  States. 


XI.     Cathedral  of  vSanta  Fe,   N.  Mex. 


(When    Finished.) 


XII.     Front  of  the  Old  San  Miguel  Church. 

Santa  Fe,  X.  Mex. 


XIII.     Church  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores. 

Bernalillo.  N.   Nfex. 


The  Condition-  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  in  1626.        57 

schools  like  those  kept  among  the  Piros  ;  the  two  convents  have 
good  and  elegant  churches  which  are  a  credit  to  the  religious 
who  built  them.     The  other  towns  possess  also  good  chapels. 

{G)     The  Nation  of  the  Queres. 

Four  leagues  above  the  preceding  begins  the  Queres  Nation, 
at  San  Felipe,  its  first  town,  and  extends  over  ten  leagues, 
where  4,000  people,  all  baptized,  form  seven  villages.  There  are 
three  convents  with  good  churches  and  a  chapel  in  each  village. 
The  Queres  Indians  show  a  great  aptitude  for  any  branch  of 
learning  they  apply  themselves  to  in  their  schools.  The  lands 
of  this  nation  are  ver>'  productive. 

(7)      The  Nation  of  the  Tompiros. 

Lea\nng  the  Rio  del  Norte  and  going  east  ten  leagues,  we 
find  the  Tompiros  Nation,  w-hich  from  Chilili,  its  first  town,  ■ 
extends  over  fifteen  leagues  in  the  same  direction,  comprising 
fifteen  or  sixteen  villages  with  an  aggregate  population  of  10,000 
souls,  ha^^ng  good  churches  and  convents.  The  land  is  not 
very  fertile,  owdng  to  the  cold  climate  and  to  the  scarcity  of 
water,  but  there  are  good  salt  lakes  at  ten  leagues  from  Socorro. 

(8)     The  Naiion  of  the  Tanos. 

Traveling  north  about  ten  leagues,  one  strikes  the  first 
town  of  this  nation,  which  extends  over  ten  leagues,  and  com- 
prises five  villages,  with  convent  and  church.  Each  village  is 
provided  with  a  chapel  where  mass  is  said  at  stated  times  by 
the  priests  of  the  convent.  The  aggregate  population  of  the 
five  villages  amounts  to  4,000  souls,  all  baptized.  There  also 
are  good  schools. 

{9)     The  Nation  of  the  Pecos. 

At  four  leagues  north  of  the  Tanos  is  found  the  town  of 
Pecos,  which  has  over  2,000  inhabitants  with  convent  and  a 
very  elaborate  church.  Pecos  is  a  cold  countr^^,  still  it  produces 
corn  enough  for  the  use  of  its  people.  The  Pecos  mission  has 
also  its  schools. 

{10)     La   Villa  de  Santa  Fe. 

At  seven  leagues  w-est  of  Pecos  stands  the  city  of  Santa  Fe, 
the  capital  of  the  realm.     There  reside  the  governor  and  the 

.  4* 


58       The  Condition  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  in  1626. 

Spaniards,  numbering  two  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  of  whom 
onh'  fifty  are  armed.  By  authority  of  the  governor,  the  soldiers 
are  appointed  chiefs  of  the  Indian  pueblos,  from  whom  they 
receive  a  tribute  which  is  sufiicient  for  their  maintenance,  and 
even  for  enabling  them  to  help  the  needy  among  their  country- 
men. The  tribute  consists  of  one  'varade  manta,'  cotton  cloth, 
and  a  certain  measure  of  corn,  paid  to  them  yearl^^  by  each  Indian 
family.  The  army  of  the  governor  is  composed  of  one  thousand 
men,  between  Spanish  and  Indian.  There  was  no  other  church 
in  the  city  but  a  kind  of  barn,  or  an  old  house,  entirely  unfit  for 
the  celebration  of  the  holy  mysteries.  The  religious,  thus  far, 
had  built  churches  for  the  Indians  in  the  pueblos  where  they 
resided,  and  left  to  the  Spaniards  the  care  of  building  a  church 
for  themselves.  This  lack  of  the  most  decent  place  to  hold 
divine  service  impelled  me,  as  soon  as  I  came  as  Custodian,  to 
lay  the  foundation  of  a  convent  and  church  which  are  now 
(1629)  completed  to  the  glor}^  of  God,  Here  also,  the  religious 
teach  the  Spaniards  and  the  Indians  how  to  read,  write,  and 
work  at  several  trades, 

{11)     The  Nation  Toas  {f  Tegua). 

Going  west  from  Santa  Fe  towards  the  Rio  del  Norte,  we 
reach  the  Toa  Nation,  which  occupies  the  length  of  eleven  or 
twelve  leagues,  with  eight  towns,  numbering  in  all  about  six 
thousand  souls.     Toa  is  the  first  nation    of  this  realm  which ' 
embraced  the  Christian  faith,  a  fact   in  which  its  inhabitants 

glor}^  and  which  made  them  the  friends  of  the  Spaniards 

This  province  has  three  convents  and  three  churches  of  a  nice 
structure,  especially  that  of  San  Ildefonso.  Each  town  has  also 
its  own  church  attended  by  the  priests  of  the  convents.  The 
Indians  learn  the  sciences  and  arts  in  their  schools.  It  was  one 
of  the  religious  who  taught  the  San  Ildefonso  Indians  how  to 
irrigate  their  lands  with  the  river  water,  by  means  of  dams  and 
ditches, 

{12)      The  Nation  of  the  Hemes  {Jemes). 

Crossing  the  river  we  found  the  Hemes  Nation  after 
traveling  west  a  distance  of  seven  leagues.  We  could  see,  in 
1626,  that  the  country  had  been  devastated  by  wars,  and  that 


The  Cokditiox  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  ix  1626  59 

famine  had  dispersed  its  people.  By  the  care  of  the  religious, 
the  scattered  Indians  were  gathered  together  and  placed,  one 
half  in  the  town  of  St.  Joseph,  and  the  other  in  that  of  St.  Didacus, 
and  soop  after  these  two  villages  were  provided  with  convents, 
churches,  and  schools.  The  Hemes  population  amounted  to  the 
number  of  3,000  souls. 

{13)     The  Nation  of  the  Picuries. 

Coming  back  from  Hemes  to  the  Toa  nation,  and  going 
north  ten  leagues  up  the  Rio  del  Norte,  we  reached  the  town  of 
Picuries,  numbering  a  population  of  2, 000  souls, already- baptized 
and  provided  with  convent,  church  and  school.  The  Picuries 
Indians  are  a  somewhat  rough  and  wild  people,  among  whom  the 
religious  have  received  ill  treatment,  and  succeeded  in  saving 
their  lives  only  owing  to  a  particular  providence  of  God.  These 
Indians,  rightly  speaking,  belong  to  the  nation  of  the  Toas,  but 
are  considered  as  of  another  race,  as  they  constantly  live  by 
themselves  without  keeping  any  close  relation  with  their  neigh- 
bors of  the  Rio  del  Norte. 

m)  The  Nation  of  the  Taos. 
The  town  of  Taos  is  located  at  seven  leagues  north  of 
Picuries,  it  has  a  population  of  1050  souls,  all  baptized,  with 
convent,  church  and  school.  There  is  some  difference  of  lan- 
guage between  the  Taos  and  Picuries,  still  they  belong  to  the 
same  nation.  The  Taos  Indians,  sa^-s  Padre  Benavides,  were 
wavering  in  the  faith  owing  to  the  doctrine  of  the  religious  on 
the  sanctit}^  and  unity  of  the  sacrament  of  marriage,  which  was 
entirel}^  opposed  to  the  Indian  custom  on  the  matter. 

{15)  The  Rock  of  Acoma. 
The  rock  of  Acoma  is  located  at  twelve  leagues  from  the 
town  of  Santa  Ana,  in  the  Queres  province.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  town  built  on  the  rock  and  bearing  the  same  name,  were 
visited  by  the  religious  in  1629,  and  the  fact  that  an  infant,  be- 
ing baptized  at  the  time  it  was  considered  as  dying,  came 
visibly  to  life  at  the  moment  the  baptismal  water  touched  its 
forehead,  had  the  effect  of  bringing  the  Indians  to  the  mis- 
sionaries to  listen  to  their  instructions. 


60       The  Condition*  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  in  1626. 

{16)      The  Zuni  Nation. 

The  pro\dnce  of  Zuni,  which  comprises  eleven  or  twelve 
villages,  occupies  the  extent  of  ten  leagues,  at  a  distance  of 
thirty  leagues  west  of  Acoma.  It  has  a  population  of  io,ooo 
souls  already  converted  to  the  faith.  There  are  two  convents 
and  two  churches  where  the  religious  had  to  suffer,  and  suffer 
yet,  from  the  mischief  and  opposition  of  the  sorcerers.  The 
land  produces  all  kinds  of  grains  and  fruits. 

{17)      The  Moqui  Nation. 

This  nation,  as  that  of  Zufii,  from  which  it  is  separated  by 
thirty  leagues  in  the  direction  of  the  west,  has  a  population  of 
about  io,ooo  people  distributed  in  several  villages.  The  inhabi- 
tants, at  first  joyfully  received  the  religious,  and  listened  to 
their  instructions.  But  here,  as  elsewhere,  the  sorcerers  got 
alarmed  on  seeing  the  confidence  placed  in  the  missionaries  by  the 
Indians,  and  tried  to  destroy  it  by  ridiculing  it  either  publicly 
or  privately  in  all  their  speeches.  As  a  consequence  of  this, 
and  perhaps  at  the  instigation  of  the  sorcerers  themselves,  a 
large  number  of  Indians,  either  Christians  or  infidels,  presented 
themselves  to  the  priest  who  oftentimes  spoke  to  them  on  the 
power  of  the  cross,  and  showing  him  a  young  man  born  blind, 
made  him  this  proposition  :  "Padre,  if  your  cross  has  as  much 
power  as  ^-ou  say,  whj'  do  you  not  try  to  give  by  it  his  sight  to 
this  young  man  ?  If  the  trial  proves  successful,  it  will  be  for 
us  the  proof  that  what  you  say  to  us  is  the  truth,  and  we  will 
believe  in  your  word. ' ' 

The  missionary'  thought  it  his  dut}'  to  accept  the  challenge, 
and  relied  on  the  grace  of  God  for  the  resvdt  of  what  he  was 
about  to  try  for  His  greater  glor}-.  Having  praj-ed  a  short 
time  on  his  knees  before  the  cross,  he  applied  it  to  the  eyes  of 
the  boy,  who,  at  once,  was  by  it  made  able  to  see.  Struck  by 
the  miracle,  the  Indians  kept  their  word,  and  applied  to  the 
religious  for  instruction,  and  for  admission  to  Baptism,  those 
who  had  remained  as  yet  in  the  state  of  infidelity. 

These  are,  says  Padre  Benavides,  the  towns  and  localities 
which  we  have  visited  in  the  countrj^  called  New  Mexico. 
This  kingdom  commences  at  St.  Anthonj^  de  Senecu,  the  first 


The  Coxdition  of  the  Missions  op  New  Mexico  in  1626.       61 

town  of  the  Piros,  and  embraces  all  the  country  up  the  river  as 
far  as  to  San  Geronimo  of  Taos,  that  is  to  sa^^,  one  hundred 
leagues  in  length.  The  most  of  its  towns  are  located  on  either 
side  of  the  river  and  some  on  other  streams.  The  total  popula- 
tion of  the  towns  or  villages  gives,  the  number  of  about  80,000 
souls.  All  these  nations  we  have  spoken  of,  are  each  one 
divided  into  two  parties,  the  warriors  and  the  sorcerers,  who 
are  opposed  to  each  other  and  who  often  come  to  an  open  fight 
to  settle  their  quarrels.  There,  says  the  Father,  the  devil  makes 
his  harvest.  As  regards  those  who  had  been  converted,  it 
seems,  they  generally  were  submissive  to  their  priests  concern- 
ing the  practice  of  Christian  duties. 

[18)     An  attevipfed  Conversion  of  the  Apaches. 

This  was  tried  in  1630  by  Padre  Benavides  on  the  Apache 
tribe  of  Perillo  Springs,  spoken  of  before.  Owing 'to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  chief,  Sanaba,  that  fraction  of  the  great  Apache 
nation  yielded  compliantly  to  the  voice  of  the  zealous  Guardian. 

{19)     Coming  in  Contact  with  the  Apache  Navajo. 

The  word  "Navajo"  means  a  large  family.  These  Indians 
belong  to  the  Apache  nation,  though  they  are  governed  by  a 
chief  of  their  own,  perfectly  independent  of  the  Apache  nation 
proper.  Father  Benavides  says  that  [it  was  only  by  the  help  of 
some  captains  of  the  Christian  Indians,  who  knew  the  Navajos 
and  could  explain  to  them  who  the  missionaries  were,  and  what 
the  purpose  was  they  had  in  view,  he  was  permitted  to 
approach  them.  What  he  proposed  in  the  meeting  was  a  treaty 
of  peace,  to  be  effected  between  the  Navajo  nation  and  the  Chris- 
tian tribes,  which  he  obtained  after  long  parleys.  Peace  having 
been  secured,  the  Rev.  Guardian  founded  in  1629  the  Santa 
Clara  mission,  in  the  Toa  nation,  which  adjoins  the  Navajo 
country,  so  that  these  Indians  could  be  visited  from  the  new 
mission.  This  mission  established  in  the  village  of  Cappoo  was 
the  tenth  founded  by  Padre  Benavides. 

(20)     The  Xumana  Nation. 

Starting  from  Santa  Fe,  and  going  east  112  leagues  through 
the  nation  of  the  Vaqueros,  one  reaches  the  Xumana  Indians. 


62       The  Condition  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  in  162&? 

This  nation  was  visited  first  by  Padre  Juan  de  Salas,  missionary 
to  the  Tompiros  and  Salmaros,  and  subsequently  entrusted  to 
Fathers  Estevan  de  Perea  and  Didaco  Lopez.  These  religious, 
after  doing  good  work,  by  the  grace  of  God,  among  the 
Xumanas,  went  to  the  Quiviras  and  Aijaos,  who  desired  also 
to  be  instructed  and  baptized  by  the  Fathers. 

{SI)     Hoiv  did  the  Religions  Employ  Particularly  their  Time  ? 

Besides  giving  the  greatest  care  to  religious  instruction, 
the  duty  of  the  religious  was  to  visit  the  sick,  to  help  the  poor 
with  the  produce  of  the  mission  lands,  to  build  convents  and 
churches  and  to  teach  schools  for  the  natives. 

The  Memorial  written  by  Fray  Alfonso  de  Benavides  was 
presented,  as  stated  before,  to  the  King  of  Spain  by  Fray  Juan 
de  Santander,  Commissary  General  of  the  Brothers  Minor  of 
the  West  Indies.  The  Commissary-,  on  presenting  the  Memor- 
ial or  report  to  the  King,  spoke  himself  on  the  actual  condition 
of  the  missions  in  New  Mexico,  on  the  rapid  success  they  had 
obtained  thus  far,  but  expressed  the  fear  that  their  progress 
might  be  stopped  in  the  near  future  for  lack  of  a  sufficient 
number  of  priests  to  attend  to  them  properly.  "For  (said  he) 
of  the  twenty-seven  religious  who  had  been  assigned  to  the 
new  "Conversion,"  (i)  there  remained  now  only  sixteen,  with 
three  assistant  brothers,  the  other  eight  being  already  dead." 
For  this  reason  he  earnestly  requested  His  Majesty  to  send 
thirty  more  religious  to  the  said  "Conversion,"  with  the  assur- 
ance that  they  would  be  provided  with  necessaries  for  their 
support ;  which  was  granted  and  complied  with  in  1629. 

"Zuiii,  one  of  the  principal  towns  of  Cibola,  had  in  1632 
for  resident  priest  Fray  Juan  Letrado.  He  and  Fray  Martin 
de  Arbide  perished  in  their  attempt  to  convert  the  Cipias. "      ( 2 ) 

In  the  beginning  of  the  5'ear  1662,  the  mission  which  was 
called  of  the  "Manzos",  peaceable  Indians,  was  established  at 
El  Paso  del  Norte.     This  mission  had  for  its  first  missionary 


(1)  "Conversion  of  St.  Paul"  was  the  name  of  the  ecclesiastical  province  of  the 
Franciscan  Fathers  in  New  Mexico,  as  stated  before. 

(2)  Ensayo  Cronologico. 


The  Condition  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico  in  1626.       63 

Fray  Francisco  Garcia  de  San  Francisco.  The  first  marriage, 
celebrated  the  same  year  on  the  3d  day  of  February  in  the  new 
mission,  was  that  of  Francisco  Mutarama  and  Juana  Mata. 
The  first  ecclesiastical  sepulture  was  that  of  Maria,  daughter  of 
Tomas,  the  fiscal  of  the  pueblo,  and  took  place  on  the  28th  of 
March,  1663. 

For  a  number  of  years,  according  to  Shea,  the  pueblo  In- 
dians manifested  a  marked  dissatisfaction  against  the  Spanish 
government  and  the  missionaries,  until  they  joined  a  general 
revolt  which  took  place  on  the  loth  of  Augiist,  1680. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The    Pueblo    Revolt    Under     the    Government    of 

Otermin. 

The  general  revolt  of  the  Pueblos  occurred  hi  the  second 
year  of  Otermin's  administration.  It  was  prepared,  saj-s  Padre 
Velez,  by  an  Indian  from  San  Juan,  named  Pope.  This  man 
was  then  a  fugitive  in  the  pueblo  of  Taos,  not  only  for  several 
murders  he  had  committed  in  complicity  with  forty-six  Teguas 
during  the  administration  of  Governor  Trevino,  but  for  new 
similar  crimes  of  his  own.  P'rom  Taos  he  plotted  the  rebellion, 
into  which  all  the  Pueblos  entered  except  the  Piros.  The  day 
for  the  attack  on  the  convents  and  houses  of  the  Spaniards  had 
been  fixed  for  the  i8th  of  August,  but  the  secret  having  trans- 
pired from  different  sources.  Pope  ordered  the  execution  of  the 
plot  for  the  loth  of  the  same  month,  before  any  strong  measures 
could  be  taken  to  suppress  it.  The  attack  was  commenced  b>^ 
the  Taos,  Picuries  and  Teguas  Indians,  in  their  respective  pueb- 
los, and  their  example  was  followed  by  the  others  who  had  not 
refused  to  join  in  the  work  of  bloodshed  and  destruction.  On 
that  day,  eighteen  priests,  three  lay  brothers  and  three  hundred 
and  eighty  Spaniards,  between  men,  women  and  children,  were 
killed.     ( I ) 

Davis  (2)  gives  the  names  of  several  of  the  priests  who 
were  put  to  death  in  the  most  cruel  manner  by  the  rebellious 
Indians.  These  were :  Fray  Jesus  Morador,  who  was  in 
charge  of  the  Jemes  pueblo  ;  Friars  Cristobal  Figueroa,  Albino 
Maldonado  and  Juan  Mora  at  Acoma.     The  bodies  of  these 

(1)  Cronica  Serafica  del  Colegio  de  Queretaro. 

(2)  Conquest  of  New  Mexico. 


The  Pueblo  Revolt  Under  the  Government  of  Otekmin.        65 

three  missionaries,  according  to  the  same  author,  were  thrown 
into  a  deep  cave  on  the  north  side  of  the  pueblo.  The  same 
barbarous  acts  took  place  in  Zuni  about  the  same  time.  Here 
also  were  stationed  three  missionaries  whose  names  were :  Lo- 
renzo Analiza,  Juan  de  Jesus.  Espinosa  and  Sebastian  Calzada. 
Their  bodies  were  buried  in  the  church  of  the  pueblo. 

After  relating  the  cruel  death  of  two  missionaries  of  the 
Moqui  pueblos  (now  in  Arizona),  Fray  Juan  de  Vallada  and 
Jesus  de  Lombardi,  Davis  mentions  the  death  of  another  priest 
whose  name  is  not  given  but  whose  office,  according  to  the 
records,  was  that  of  "Procurador,"  Procurator  of  the  province. 
"In  this  manner,"  adds  the  same  author,  "the  priests  stationed 
in  different  pueblos  were  killed,  mostly  by  their  own  flock,  for 
whose  spiritual  and  temporal  good  they  had  been  laboring  for 
years. ' ' 

Coming  again  to  the  report  of  Fray  Velez  to  his  superior, 
we  see  that  after  the  day  of  devastation,  those  of  the  religious 
and  of  the  Spaniards  who  had  not  perished,  divided  into  two 
parties,  and  gathered  from  San  Felipe  down  to  the  pueblo  of 
Isleta,  while  the  governor  remained  in  Santa  Fe  with  the  Span- 
ish families  of  the  town  and  the  Indians  who  had  not  taken 
part  in  the  rebellion.  The  few  Spaniards  who  lived  in  the  val- 
ley of  ha.  Caiiada,  fortified  themselves  in  the  house  of  the 
Alcalde  of  that  district,  ( i )  and  bravely  kept  their  position, 
until  they  received  help  from  Otermin,  and  were  enabled  to  go 
and  join  him  in  Santa  Fe.  Meanwhile  the  section  of  the  peo- 
ple who  had  reached  Isleta,  started  on  the  14th  of  August  for 
El  Paso,  On  the  1 5th  the  capital  was  surrounded  by  the  Tanos 
of  San  Marcos,  San  Cristobal  and  Galisteo  (2).  The  "Quirix," 
Queres,  of  Ea  Cienega  took  possession  that  same  day  of  the 
houses  of  the  Tlastecas  Indians  (3)  who  lived  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Santa  Fe  river,  at  the  place  called  j^et  "El  Barrio  (suburb) 
de  Analco"  and  burned  the  chapel  of  San  Miguel. 

The  aggressors  were  five  hundred  in  number  ;  the  Spaniards 
came  out  of  the  town  to  meet  them,  and  there  ensued  a  bloody 


(1)  Very  likely  at  the  place  called  uow  "La  plaza  del  Alcalde,"  about  four  miles 
above  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan. 

(2)  These  three  pueblos,  now  abandoned,  were  aV  out  30  miles  south  of  Santa  Fe. 

(3)  The  members  of  a  tribe  who  had  been   faithful  to  the  Spauiards  from  the 
time  of  Cortez  aud  who  probably  were  brought  to  New  Mexico  by  Juan  de  Oiiate. 


G6       The  Pueblo  Revolt  Fkder  the  Goverxmext  of  Otermix. 

fight  which  lasted  over  six  hours,  when  the  Spaniards  had  to 
retreat  to  their  quarters  on  seeing  the  Taos,  the  Picuries  and 
the  Teguas  Indians  coming  from  the  north  to  reinforce  the  as- 
sailants. The  governor  had  not  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to 
divide  them  and  to  front  the  enemy  in  two  different  places  at 
one  time.  Besides,  he  had  to  protect  the  "Casas  Reales"  gen- 
eral quarters,  in  which  the  families  of  the  town,  those  of  San 
Marcos,  of  La  Canada  and  of  the  Tlastecas  had  taken  refuge. 
In  five  days,  the  aggressors  succeeded  in  taking  possession  of 
almost  the  whole  of  the  town,  leaving  already  to  the  Spaniards 
no  more  ground  than  that  occupied  by  the  royal  quarters.  The 
houses  they  did  not  take  for  their  own  use,  they  burned,  as  also 
the  church  and  the  convent.  The  rebels  numbered  about  3,000, 
while  the  Spaniards  were  hardly  150,  between  soldiers  and 
settlers.  On  the  other  hand,  the  besieged  had  no  water,  and 
on  this  account  were  bound  to  die  soon  if  they  did  not  make  an 
effort  at  once  to  open  their  waj^  out  through  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy.  To  this  supreme  determination  they  were  encouraged 
by  the  three  religious  of  the  town  and  by  the  governor,  and  it 
was  successfull}'  executed  on  the  20th  of  August,  with  onl}'  a 
hundred  men  fighting  in  the  name  of  Maria  Santisima.  In 
this  action  the  rebellious  Indians  lost  343  men,  some  arms  and 
horses  and  had  to  take  to  flight.  Of  the  Spaniards  five  were 
killed  and  many  wounded,  among  whom  figured  the  governor 
with  an  arrow  in  the  forehead  and  another  in  the  breast,  but 
neither  one  injured  him  fatally. 

The  governor  realized  then  that  the  best  he  could  do  was 
to  try  to  save  his  life  and  that  of  the  few  people  who  remained 
to  him.  For  this  purpose  he  started  at  once  for  El  Paso,  with 
the  three  religious  Fraj^  Francisco  Gomez  de  la  Cadena,  the 
minister  of  the  mission  in  the  town,  Fray  Andres  Duran,  the 
Guardian,  Fray  Francisco  Farfan  and  the  other  people  of  the 
villa.  At  the  "Paraje,"  station  of  Fray  Cristobal,  they  met 
seven  reUgious  waiting  for  them  with  the  settlers  of  '  'Rio  Abajo, ' ' 
lower  river,  from  Bernalillo  down.  Thence  they  proceeded  to 
the  Paraje  of  La  Salineta  and  from  that  place  to  a  station  about 
ten  or  twelve  miles  below  El  Paso,  which  they  called  San  Lo- 
renzo, and  where  they  made  their  "Real,"  the  camp.  There 
they  had  to  endure  great  privations,  though  they  received  every 


The  Pceblo  Revolt  Under  the  Governmext  of  Otermix.        67 

day  ten  steers  and  ten  fanegas  of  maize  from  the  Royal  Hacienda 
through  Padre  Francisco  de  A^'eta,  the  Commissar}-  General 
for  the  Missions  of  New  Spain. 

The  temporary  retreat  of  Otermin  left  New  Mexico  in  the 
power  of  the  rebellious  Indians.  Pope,  the  promoter  of  the  re- 
volt, ordered  them  at  once,  under  penalty  of  death,  to  burn  or 
to  destroy  the  crosses,  the  images  and  rosaries  ;  forbade  the  in- 
vocation of  the  saints  and  commanded  those  who  had  been 
married  according  to  the  rites  of  the  Church,  to  dismiss  their 
wives  and  to  take  others  after  the  old  Indian  fashion. 

In  the  Annotations  of  Padre  Juan  Amando  Niel,  S.  J.  ( i ) 
on  the  "Relaciones,"  Historical  data,  left  by  Fray  Gerouimo 
Zarate  Salmeron,  we  find  that,  twenty  days  after  the  start  of 
the  governor  for  El  Paso,  the  nine  rebellious  nations,  viz.  : 
The  Tigvias,  Tanos,  Jemes,  Teguas,  Pecos,  Queres,  Taos,  Picur- 
ies  and  Tampiros,  went  after  him  to  attack  him  in  his  retreat. 
They  reached  the  El  Paso  crossing,  but  as  the  river  was  in 
flood,  they  could  not  ford  it. 

On  returning  to  their  own  district,  they  commenced  to 
quarrel  as  to  which  of  the  tribes  would  occupy  Santa  Fe,  and 
have  the  power  to  rule  in  the  country'.  (They  thought  they 
had  done  once  for  all  with  the  Spaniards. )  In  order  to  settle 
the  question,  they  agreed  to  cast  lots,  and  leave  it  to  the  issue  of 
a  fight  between  two  tribes,  provided  that  the  Tanos,  who  were 
much  more  numerous  than  any  other  tribe,  would  send  the  half 
of  their  people  to  settle  somewhere  out  of  the  country.  The  con- 
dition was  accepted  and  complied  with  soon  after.  As  regards 
the  mode  of  solution  of  the  diflSculty  by  the  test  of  a  combat 
between  two  tribes,  it  seems  it  was  not  resorted  to,  as  agreed 
upon ;  but  the  contestants  divided  into  two  camps,  each  one 
composed  of  an  equal  number  of  warriors  selected  by  their  re- 
spective tribes.  The  war  lasted  a  long  time,  says  Rev.  Father 
Niel,  and  many  died  either  on  the  battle  fields  or  in  the  pueb- 
los, owing  to  the  lack  of  provisions,  caused  by  the  absence  of 
the  able-bodied  men  from  their  homes,  and  by  a  drought  which 
prevailed  in  the  country  for  seven  years. 

The  victor)^,  at  last,  remained  with  the  Tanos,  who,  with 
those  of  their  party,  entrenched  themselves  between  the  walls 

(1)    Documentos  para  ia  historia  de  Mexico. 


68       The  Poeblo  Revolt  Uxder  The  Govern'Mext  of  OTERMiy* 

and  in  the  houses  of  the  capital.  After  the  quarrels  had  ceased, 
the  Indians  of  both  parties,  having  come  to  their  right  senses 
could  realize  how  detrimental  had  been  the  wars  for  all  the 
tribes,  and  how  poor  all  remained  now,  after  the  loss  of  all  their 
able-bodied  men,  and  of  all  pro\nsions,  owing  to  the  drought, 
which  had  dried  up  all  the  streams  and  even  stopped  the  course 
of  the  Rio  Grande  in  several  places.  We  quote  the  following 
from  Father  Niel:  "At  last,  seeing  that  the  pueblos  were 
coming  to  an  end,  they  resolved,  on  the  advice  of  their  wizards, 
to  join  together  and  to  offer  in  common  to  the  devil  the  sacri- 
fice of  a  young  girl,  in  order  to  obtain  from  him  the  water  they 
so  badly  needed.  They  performed  the  bloody  ceremony  with 
great  pomp,  and  the  same  day  the  river  commenced  to  resume 
its  course,  and  this  fact  was  for  the  Indians  a  reason  for  perse- 
vering in  their  apostas5^" 

The  Tanos,  who  had  to  emigrate  pursuant  to  the  condition 
made  b}^  the  other  pueblos  and  accepted  by  their  own  people, 
were  a  thousand  men,  their  families  making  a  number  of  four 
thousand  persons,  just  as  many  as  those  who  remained  in  their 
pueblos.  These  emigrants  were  given  by  their  people  what 
had  been  stolen  from  the  churches  and  from  the  Spaniards,  and 
a  proportional  share  of  the  horses,  cows  and  sheep  of  their 
pueblos.  They  went  first  to  Zuiii,  but  finding  that  the  country 
was  too  much  unprotected  from  the  cold,  they  turned  their  way 
towards  the  province  of  Moqui, 

This  province,  which  in  1710  was  called  by  Father  Niel 
the  most  famous  of  the  whole  of  Northern  America,  must  have 
been,  it  seems,  rather  unimportant  at  the  time  of  the  Pueblo 
rebellion  in  1680.  Its  inhabitants  were  very  peaceable,  the 
men  spinning  cotton  and  wool  and  weaving  mantas  and  blank' 
ets,  while  the  women  cultivated  the  soil  to  plant  corn  and 
pumpkins.  When  the  Tanos  arrived  in  their  vicinity,  they 
asked  permission  to  stop  some  time  to  rest  their  stock  and 
flocks  before  going  any  farther.  Soon  after,  as  they  were  all 
armed  and  had  many  horses,  they  offered  to  protect  the  Moquis 
against  any  invasion  from  their  enemies.  Their  proposition 
having  been  accepted,  they  at  once  imposed  on  each  pueblo  a 
garrison  of  three  hundred  mounted  men.  Little  by  little,  in- 
fantry was  added  to  the  cavalry  and,  on  a  certain  day,  the 


The  PuebLo  Revolt  Under  the  Government  of  Otermin.       69 

Moquis  were  notified  that  they  were  the  subjects  of  those  they 
had  received  as  friends.  It  was  hard  on  them,  but  they  could 
not  help  it,  as  they  were  too  inferior  in  numbers  even  to  try 
any  kind  of  resistance.  They  had  to  be  satisfied  with  being 
permitted  to  remain  in  their  houses. 

We  translate  substantially  the  following  from  Father  Niel : 
"When  the  Tanos  left  their  villages  to  emigrate,  they  took  a  boy, 
not  quite  twelve  years  old,  who  had  distinguished  himself  at  the 
first  signal  of  the  revolt,  August  lo,  1680,  by  killing  Fray  Simon 
de  Jesus,  his  benefactor  and  educator.  His  name  was  Traquillo, 
and  for  the  dastardly  crime  he  had  committed,  the  Tanos  took 
him  for  their  king  before  starting  on  their  errand. ' ' 

"King  Traquillo  made  his  residence  with  the  ancients  of 
his  nation  in  Oraibe,  the  last  of  the  Moqui  villages  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  southeast.  This  pueblo  is  located  on  a  hill,  about 
six  miles  long  by  three  in  width  running  from  east  to  west.  In 
order  to  make  it  safe  for  him  and  his  court,  Traquillo  had 
Oraibe  surrounded  by  three  walls,  which  were  provided  with 
holes  for  defense  from  the  inside  in  case  of  an  attack  from  with- 
out. The  pueblo  was  made  a  very  large  one,  covering  the  whole 
of  the  hill.  He  fortified  also  the  other  pueblos.  The  first  to 
be  seen  is  Gualpi,  which  looks  like  a  castle  on  the  top  of  an 
elevated  hill ;  the  second,  Aguatuvi,  on  a  hill  of  a  less  abrupt 
ascent,  but  without  water  within  its  walls ;  the  third  one  is 
Xonganavi,  located  also  on  a  hill  and  without  water  on  its  site  ; 
the  fourth,  Matevi,  is  in  all  pretty  much  like  the  others." 

'  'When  the  Tanos  left  their  country,  they  took  along  a  good 
number  of  people,  (Indians  of  other  tribes,  no  doubt)  who  had 
been  in  the  service  of  the  Spaniards  and  of  the  religious  and 
knew  different  trades.  Traquillo  availed  himself  of  their  knowl- 
edge to  have  others  instructed  by  them,  especially  in  the  manner 
of  repairing  and  fabricating  arms.  From  these  men  all  the 
warriors  learned  how  to  make  gun  powder  and  lead  bullets." 

"Traquillo  was  a  good  leader  of  men,  he  was  liked  by  his 
nation  and  dreaded  by  others.  Fray  Simon  de  Jesus  educated 
him,  thinking  he  would  make  of  him  the  first  native  priest 
of  the  northern  nations.  For  about  twenty  years  the  Moquis 
have  been  asking  for  priests,  others  than  the  Franciscans,  they 
wish  to  be  absolved  from  the  excommunication  the}'  have  in- 


70        The  Pueblo  Revolt  Under  the  Goverxmext  of  Otermix, 

curred,  their  king  is  willing  to  resign  his  kingdom  in  favor  of 
the  King  of  Spain,  to  be  reconciled  with  the  Church  and  die 
like  a  Christian."      (i) 

From  San  Lorenzo,  Governor  Otermin  sent  to  the  viceroj' 
a  detailed  account  of  what  had  occurred  in  New  Mexico.  At 
the  same  time  the  'Custodio'  of  the  missions,  Fray  A^'eta,  went 
to  the  cit5'  of  Mexico  and  strongl}^  represented  to  His  Excellency 
the  necessit}'  of  reducing  the  rebels  as  soon  as  possible  to 
obedience  to  the  Church  and  to  the  King.  Having  considered 
the  matter  with  his  counselors,  the  viceroy  not  only  gave  his  per- 
mission for  a  new  attempt  to  reduce  the  rebellious  Indians,  but 
ordered  the  necessar\'  measures  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  the 
Spanish  families  and  those  of  the  Piros,  Tompiros,  Tiguas, 
Jemez,  Tanos  and  Tlascaltecas  Indians,  who  had  not  abandoned 
their  faith  and  who  had  fled  to  El  Paso  with  the  governor. 

It  was  during  his  stay  at  San  Eorenzo  that  Otermin 
established  at  El  Paso,  under  the  invocation  of  Nuestra  Seiiora 
del  Pilar  and  of  San  Jose,  the  'Presidio',  militar}-  Post,  which 
was  later  transferred  to  Carizal.  He  founded  also  the  pueblos 
of  Senecu,  of  Isleta  and  Socorro  (Texas)  with  the  faithful 
Indians  who  had  followed  him  from  New  Mexico  to  El  Paso. 

On  the  1 8th  of  November  1 68 1 ,  the  governor  started  from 
San  Lorenzo  with  one  hundred  and  forty  six  Spanish  soldiers, 
one  hundred  and  twelve  auxiliary-  Indians,  Father  A^-eta  and 
other  reUgious,  to  reduce  the  rebels  of  New  Mexico.  The  first 
pueblo  he  met,  coming  up  the  river,  was  Isleta,  twelve  miles 
south  of  Albuquerque.  The  Indians,  who  were  not  prepared 
for  an  attack,  made  only  a  feeble  resistance.  The  old  records 
mention  that  the  church  and  priests'  residence  had  been  burned, 
but  that  the  church  vestments  and  sacred  vessels  were  found 
and  delivered  to  Father  Ayeta.  This  priest  said  mass  the  next 
morning,  December  7,  1681  on  the  'Plaza',  public  square.  He 
preached  to  the  Indians,  showing  them  the  wrong  they  had 
committed  by  rebelling  against  the  Church  and  asking  them  to 
repent  of  their  apostasy.  After  the  sermon  he  absolved  them. 
Many  children  were  baptized  the  same  day,    the  first  receiving 


(1)    Aonordiiia;  to  this  last  fact  given  by  Father  Niel,  the  Maqnis  had  remained 
■without  priests  from  16S0  to  1710,  when  he  wrote  his  "Anotaciones." 


The  Pueblo  Revolt  Under  the  Govern'men't  oe  Otermix.        71 

the  name  of  Charles,  in  honor  of  Charles  II.,  then  King  of 
Spain. 

From  Isleta,  Otermin  sent  a  detachment  of  his  men  to  the 
pueblo  of  Cochiti,  while  he,  with  the  remainder  of  the  army, 
would  visit  the  intermediary^  pueblos.  Before  reaching  the 
pueblo  of  Sandia,  he  burned  those  of  Alameda  and  of  Puaray, 
because  their  inhabitants  had  fled  to  the  mountains,  leaving 
good  provisions  of  grain  which  were  taken  by  the  army  and 
other  people  of  the  expedition. 

At  San  Felipe,  the  governor  was  told  by  an  Indian  named 
Pedro  Naranjo,  that  the  reasons  why  the  pueblos  had  rebelled 
were :  First,  because  the  Indians  would  not  abandon  their 
old  customs  and  the  idolatry  which  they  could  not  practice  now 
as  usual,  since  Governor  Treviiio  (the  predecessor  of  Otermin) 
had  ordered  the  destruction  of  the  "Estufas."  Second,  because 
of  the  exactions  and  bad  treatment  they  had  received  from  the 
Spaniards  in  many  pueblos.  Third,  because  of  the  persecution 
waged  against  the  wizards  of  the  nation,  and  of  the  capital  pun- 
ishment that  had  been  inflicted  on  many  of  them  by  order  of 
some  former  governors. 

At  Zia  and  Santa  Ana  the  Indians  make  a  kind  of  peace 
with  the  governor  ;  according  to  the  old  records,  their  churches 
and  priests'  residences  existed  at  that  period. 

Rev.  James  H.  Defouri  ( i )  says  Otermin  did  not  return 
to  Santa  Fe,  but  stopped  about  twelve  miles  from  it  at  a  place 
called  Palacios,  where  he  received  notice  that  a  revolt  was  in 
readiness  to  meet  him  at  the  capital.  If  this  was  the  case,  it  is 
certain  that  the  governor  had  not  a  sufiicient  force  to  meet  an 
organized  attack,  and  nobody  can  blame  him  for  having  turned 
back  to  El  Paso  for  his  own  safety  and  that  of  his  men.  Meanwhile, 
"the  Commissar^'  General,  Padre  Ayeta,  left  the  City  of  Mexico 
with  as  many  priests  and  lay  brothers  as  were  necessary  to  re- 
establish the  missions.  On  arriving  in  the  province  of  New 
Mexico,  the  first  settlements  found  were  :  Socorro,  Alamillo, 
Sevilleta,  Sandia,  Jongo,  Pavi,  Cuarac,  Jijique,  which  had  all 
been  abandoned,  and  their  churches  and  convents  pillaged  and 
destroyed. "     ( 2 ) 


(1)  "Sketch  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  New  Mexico. 

(2)  Padre  Marcelino  de  Civezza. 


72       The  Pceblo  Revolt  Under  the  Goverxmext  of  Otermix. 

All  the  Indians  fled  to  the  mountains  for  fear  of  some 
well  deserved  punishment,  but  came  back  on  the  promise  the 
religious  sent  them  that  they  would  not  be  molested,  provided 
they  would  submit  to  the  authority'  of  the  King  and  repent 
before  the  Church  for  the  wrong  they  had  committed.  The 
same  pairdon  was  offered  to  the  Indians  of  the  other  tribes,  who 
accepted  it  under  the  same  conditions.  By  this  means,  Santa 
Fe,  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Caiiada,  Tezuque,  Nambe,  San  Ildefonso, 
Santa  Clara,  San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros,  Picuries,  Taos,  Pecos, 
Galisteo,  Santo  Domingo,  Jemes,  Laguna,  Cochiti,  San  Felipe, 
Santa  Ana,  Zia,  Acoma,  Zuiii,  Moqui,  San  Agustin  de  Isleta, 
Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe  del  Paso,  San  Lorenzo,  San 
Antonio  de  Senecu,  San  Antonio  de  Isleta  and  Nuestra  Senora 
del  Socorro  could  be  provided  with  priests  and  started  again.  ( i ) 

In  1684,  Otermin  was  succeeded  as  governor  and  Captain 
General,  b}'  Domingo  Gironza  Petris  de  Cruzati,  who  was  sent 
from  New  Spain  to  reconquer  New  Mexico.  He  remained  in 
charge  for  five  or  six  3^ears,  but  failed  to  reduce  the  Indians, 
as  he  trusted  more  to  persuasion  than  to  physical  force  to 
accomplish  his  mission  among  them.  To  his  policy  the  Indians 
did  not  object,  but  the}'  changed  not  their  ways  on  this  account. 

In  1688,  Pedro  Reneros  Posada  succeeded  Domingo  Gironza 
Petris  Cruzati  as  governor  of  New  Mexico.  He  remained  in 
power  onty  a  little  over  a  year,  fighting  with  no  success  against 
the  rebellious  Oueres  of  the  Zia  pueblo. 

In  the  3'ear  1689,  Don  Domingo  Gironza  was  appointed 
governor  for  the  second  time.  Like  his  predecessor,  he  waged 
war  on  the  rebels  of  Zia,  who  defended  themselves  with  such 
resolution,  that  many  suffered  to  be  burned  alive  on  the  terraces 
of  their  houses,  rather  than  surrender.  Of  those  who 
fought  with  the  Zias,  from  Santa  Ana  and  others  of  the  Queres 
pueblos,  six  hundred  and  four  remained  dead  on  the  battle 
field. 


(1)    Padre  Marcelino  de  Civezza.    Taken  from  ''Resumen  de  Doenmentos  para 
la  historia  del  Kuevo  Mexico.    MS.  de  I'academia  d'historia  de  Madrid. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Government  of  Vargas  and  the   Reconquest  of 
New  Mexico. 

According  to  Padre  Velez,  Don  Diego  de  Vargas  Zapata  de 
I,iijan  Ponce  de  I^eon  was  sent  from  Mexico,  by  the  viceroy 
Conde  de  Galves,  to  reconquer  New  Mexico.  He  was  accorded 
fifty  soldiers,  who  had  to  come  from  the  Presidio  del  Parral, 
and  met  him  at  El  Paso  on  the  21st  of  August  1692,  with 
as  many  men  as  he  could  find  there,  and  three  religious.  Padres 
Francisco  Corvera,  Miguel  Mufiiz  and  Cristoval  Alonzo  Barroso. 
In  Santa  Ee,  where  the  governor  arrived  on  the  13th  of 
September,  he  found  the  Tanos  of  Galisteo  fortified  in  the 
government  houses  of  the  capital.  He  surrounded  them  wdth  his 
troops  and  summoned  them  to  evacuate  the  position.  To  this 
demand  they  answered  that  they  not  only  would  not 
move,  but  would  kill  all  the  Spaniards  and  prevent  them 
from  flying  to  El  Paso  as  they  had  done  at  the  time  of  the 
former  revolt  of  the  pueblos. 

From  the  report  of  Vargas  to  the  viceroy  (i)  we  learn  that 
the  rebels  refused  all  the  peaceable  propositions  he  made  to 
them,  from  4  o'clock  a.  m.  of  the  13th  da^'  of  September  until 
3  p.  m.  ;  that  they  3aelded  at  last,  owing  to  the  obstacle  the 
governor,  wdth  forty  soldiers  and  fifty  Indians,  put  between 
them  and  the  Indians  of  Rio  Arriba,  who  were  coming  to  their 
rescue.  In  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  and  in  the  pueblos  north  of  it, 
969  baptisms  were  conferred  on  the  children  who  had  been 
born  since  the  revolt  of  1680. 


(1)    Letter  of  the  governor  written  on  the  16th  of  October  1692  to  the  viceroy. 
(Documentos  para  la  historia  de  Mexico.) 


74  The  Reco.vquest  op  New  Mexico. 

The  governor  represented  to  the  viceroy,  that,  for  the  good 
of  the  CathoHc  religion  and  for  the  authority  of  his  Majesty  the 
King,  he  thought  it  was  necessary'  to  have  a  force  of  one  hun- 
dred soldiers  in  the  capital  and  fifty  families  to  resettle  it. 

Of  the  Tanos  who  had  surrendered  Santa  Fe,  and  of  some 
other  Indians,  he  said  he  could  not  rely  on  the  peace  they  made 
when  compelled  to  do  so  by  force.  He  would  try  his  best  to 
convince  them  by  peaceful  arguments,  but  in  case  he  could  not 
succeed,  he  said  he  would  destro3'  them  entirely,  in  order  to 
save  those  who  had  been  brought  to  the  faith,  and  to  protect 
the  settlers  against  their  attacks.  These,  he  thought,  would 
have  alwaj's  enough  to  do  to  guard  themselves  against  the  in- 
cursions of  the  Apaches. 

The  Tanos  of  Santa  Fe  having  made  their  submission, 
Vargas,  says  Davis,  started  to  subdue  the  Taos  Indians  who 
lived  seventy-five  miles  north  in  a  beautiful  and  fertile  valley. 
At  thirt}^  miles  from  Santa  Fe,  in  the  same  direction,  he  reached 
San  Juan,  where  he  was  well  received,  and  there  he  stood  god- 
father to  a  daughter  of  the  chief  L,orenzo.  In  the  same  pueblo, 
according  to  the  old  records,  the  Indians  were  absolved  of 
apostasy  and  ninety-six  children  baptized  bj^  Father  Corvera, 
October  1692.  The  next  day  Vargas  started  for  Taos  through 
the  mountains,  and  succeeded  by  peaceable  means  in  bringing 
to  order  the  Indians  of  that  village.  From  Taos  the  governor 
came  to  Picuries  where  he  was  given  a  friendly  welcome. 

On  the  return  of  the  expedition  from  Taos  to  Santa  Fe, 
Vargas  started  for  Pecos,  where  the  Indians  received  him  with 
demonstration,  of  great  joy.  Here,  the  Fathers  Corvera  and 
Barroso  baptized  248  persons  on  the  17th  of  October.  From 
Pecos  the  governor  went  to  the  pueblos  of  Galisteo  and  of  San 
Marcos  which  he  found  almost  in  ruins.  In  these  two  pueblos, 
says  the  author  of  the  Cronica  Serafica  (i),  the  Indians,  after 
killing  their  priests  and  destroying  their  churches,  fled  in  differ 
ent  directions. 

Without  losing  any  time,  Vargas  went  to  Santo  Domingo, 

where  he  had  a  part  of  his  men  waiting  for  him,  and  thence  on 

the  1 9th  of  the  same  month  he  marched  up  the  river  to  Cochiti, 

which  he  found  deserted ;  following  the  same  direction  by  the 

(1)    Cronica  Serafica  del  Colegio  de  Queretaro. 


The  Reconquest  of  New  Mexico.  75 

"Canada"  valley  of  the  pueblo  for  nine  miles,  he  met  a  vil- 
lage in  which  lived  together  the  Indians  of  San  Marcos,  Cochiti 
and  San  Felipe.  These  Indians  received  him  without  resist- 
ance, they  were  absolved,  and  presented  103  children  for  bap- 
tism. The  same  Indians  promised  to  be  back  on  the  29th  of 
the  same  month  to  their  respective  pueblos.  On  the  2 2d,  the 
governor  arrived  at  the  hacienda  of  Ana^^a,  where  he  had  an- 
other camp  for  the  care  of  the  horses.  There  he  took  fresh 
animals  and  set  out  for  the  pueblos  of  Zia  and  Santa  Ana,  who, 
since  the  expedition  of  Gironza  had  moved,  the  former  to  Cerro 
Colorado,  and  the  latter  about  six  miles  southwest  of  the  old 
Jemes  pueblo.  The  Indians  made.no  resistance,  the}^  submitted 
and,  between  the  two  pueblos,  presented  123  children  for  bap- 
tism on  the  24th  of  October. 

On  the  25th  of  the  same  month  Vargas  climbed  to  the  top 
of  the  mountain,  with  the  religious  and  five  squadrons  of  sol- 
diers, to  the  place  where  the  Queres  of  Santo  Domingo,  the 
Jemez  and  a  number  of  auxiliary  Apaches  had  joined  together. 
The  expedition  met  on  the  "mesa,"  plateau,  about  300  armed 
men  giving  signs  of  hostilit3^  As  they  did  not  attack,  the 
governor  and  his  men  ignored  them,  and  went  directly  to  the 
pueblo,  which  had  four  plazas  and  was  surrounded  by  walls. 
The}^  were  received  by  the  chief  captain  and  the  ancients  of  the 
village,  holding  a  cross  as  a  sign  of  peace.  These  natives  were 
absolved  and  presented  117  children  for  baptism. 

From  there  the  governor  sent  to  El  Paso  some  forty  women, 
between  Spanish  and  Indian,  who  had  been  made  captives  by 
the  rebellious  pueblos,  and  started  for  the  "Peiiol, "  the  rock  of 
Acoma,  with  eighty-nine  soldiers,  thirty  Indians  and  the  two 
religious.  The  pueblo  was  reached  on  the  3d  of  November. 
Its  inhabitants  made  some  resistance,  but  after  the  explanations 
the  governor  gave  them,  through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter 
of  their  own  pueblo,  about  his  intentions,  they  became  con- 
vinced that  the  Spaniards  did  not  come  to  destr03^  them,  as  they 
had  been  told  b}^  the  Navajos.  They  made  peace  the  next  day, 
received  absolution,  and  had  eighty-seven  children  baptized. 

lycaving  Acoma,  the  expedition  went  to  Zuni,  where  the 
Indians  had  built  a  new  pueblo  on  the  Peiiol,  called  Galisteo. 
Before   tr\'ing   to   ascend    the    rock    Vargas   sent   to   the    In- 


76  The  Recoxqcest  of  Xew  Mexico. 

dians  a  certain  Buenaventura,  a  man  of  their  pueblo,  to  tell 
them  that  the  Spaniards  were  coming  with  peaceable  intentions. 
Reh'ing  on  the  truthfulness  of  this  assertion,  the}'  gladly  sub- 
mitted, and  on  the  i  ith  of  November  they  presented  294  children 
to  have  them  baptized  by  the  religious.  "The  same  day,  (i) 
they  invited  the  governor  to  the  house  of  an  Indian  woman 
where  he  saw  an  altar  with  two  tallow  candles  burning  on  it. 
The  altar  was  partly  screened  with  pieces  of  church  vestments. 
Kneeling  down,  Vargas  removed  the  screen  and  found  carefulty 
kept,  three  small  crucifixes,  two  of  brass  and  one  painted  on 
wood,  a  picture  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  a  silver  gold  plated 
ciborium,  a  remonstrance  with  its  rock  cr^-stal,  and  four  silver 
chalices  with  only  three  patens.  There  appeared  also  several 
books  which  had  been  used  by  the  priests  who  died  there  at  the 
time  of  the  great  revolt.  These  objects  were  taken  by  the  gov- 
ernor in  order  to  transmit  them  to  the  Custodian  of  the  province. 
There  remained  two  bells  without  hammers  in  the  power  of 
the  Zufiis." 

Before  leaving'  the  mountain  on  which  the  governor  re- 
ceived the  submission  of  the  Queres  and  Jemes,  on  the  25th  of 
October,  he  availed  himself  of  the  presence  of  a  Moqui  Indian 
he  met  there,  to  use  him  as  a  messenger  to  his  own  people,  to 
inform  them  that  the  Spaniards  were  alwaj^s  for  peace  when 
they  could  avoid  war,  and  begged  to  be  received  as  friends  by 
the  Moquis  when  they  should  go  and  visit  them.  Whether 
they  would  have  3-ielded  to  the  message  or  not,  is  not  known, 
but  the  fact  was  that,  about  the  same  time,  the}-  were  advised 
by  their  neighbors,  the  Navajos,  not  to  believe  one  word  of 
what  the  Spaniards  would  sa3^  These  people,  they  told  them, 
mean  only  to  deceive,  what  they  really  intend  to  do,  is  to  take 
what  belongs  to  others,  to  kill  the  men  and  make  the  women 
and  children  captives.  So  the  Moqui  Indians  removed  their 
animals  far  from  the  villages  and  prepared  for  defense,  should 
the  Spaniards  present  themselves. 

Having  been  apprised  of  this  disposition,  and  also  that 
water  was  very  scarce  between  Zuni  and  Moqui,  the  governor 
picked   the   best  horses  he  had    and  started  for    Moqui  with 


(1)    According  to  the  "Documentos  para  la  hi&toria  de  Mexico. 


The  Recoxquest  of  New  Mexico.  77 

sixty-three  soldiers  and  the  reUgious,  leaving  twent^'-five  men 
with  their  captain  at  Zuni,  to  take  care  of  the  tired  horses, 
mules  and  other  stock.  On  the  19th  of  November  he  arrived 
at  San  Bernardo  de  Aguatuvi,  the  first  pueblo  of  the  province. 
Leaving  the  half  of  his  men  at  some  distance,  he  presented 
himself  at  the  pueblo  with  only  thirty  soldiers.  He  was  met 
by  700  or  800  well-armed  men,  readj^  to  fight  and  looking  only 
for  a  pretext  to  open  the  battle.  For  over  an  hour  Vargas  had 
to  speak  to  persuade  them  that  his  intentions  were  peaceable. 
At  last  he  was  introduced  into  the  pueblo  by  its  chief,  Miguel, 
who  gave  obedience  for  all  his  subjects.  These  were  absolved, 
and  122  of  their  children  baptized  the  next  day. 

The  same  day,  November  20th,  the  expedition  proceeded 
to  San  Bernardino  de  Gualpi.  There  after  some  feeble  resist- 
ance the  Indians  made  their  submission ;  they  promised  obedi- 
ence and  presented  eighty-one  children  for  baptism. 

November  22nd  the  inhabitants  of  San  Buenaventura  de  Mo- 
songnavi  and  those  of  San  Bernabe  de  Xomopavi  submitted  in 
the  same  manner,  were  absolved  of  apostasy,  and  presented 
seventy  children  for  baptism  from  the  two  pueblos. 

Being  under  the  impression,  on  account  of  what  he  had 
been  told,  that  Oraibe  was  twenty-seven  miles  distant,  though 
it  was  only  about  seven,  the  governor  did  not  go  there,  owing 
to  the  bad  condition  of  his  horses.  He  turned  then  back 
towards  Zuni  where  he  arrived  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month. 
From  Zuni,  Vargas  and  his  men  left  for  El  Paso,  w^here  they 
arrived  on  the  20th  of  December,  1692.  Previous  to  the  expe- 
dition of  Zulii,  says  Davis,  Vargas  had  completely  brought  to 
submission  in  a  short  time,  seventeen  districts  or  provinces, 
without  a  fight,  and  the  missionaries  who  had  traveled  with 
him  had  baptized  1570  persons. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Government  of  Vargas.  (Continued.) — Resettlement 
OF  Santa  Fe.  —  War  Against  the  Tanos  and  Other 
Pueblos  at  Santa  Fe.  —  Troubles  Again  with  the 
Pueblos. — Missions  Provided  with  Priests.  —  Founda- 
tion OF  Santa  Cruz.  —  New  Revolt  of  the  Indians. — 
Seven  Priests  Killed, 

(i)     Resettlement  of  Santa  Fe  Authorized  in  1693.     (i) 

In  the  3'ear  1693,  the  vicero}',  with  the  advice  of  his  royal 
council,  determined  that  Santa  Fe  should  be  resettled.  For  that 
purpose  he  gave  to  Diego  de  Vargas  one  hundred  soldiers,  the 
number  he  had  asked  for  to  protect  the  seat  of  his  government, 
and  the  necessary'  means  of  subsistence  for  the  families  he  would 
locate  in  the  villa. 

Before  the  coming  of  the  announced  reinforcement,  the 
governor  had  to  start  for  Xew  Mexico,  where  the  Tanos,  Picur- 
ies,  Taos,  Queres  of  Santo  Domingo,  Cochiti  and  Jemes  Indians 
were  preparing  a  new  general  revolt.  From  El  Paso  and  vicinity 
he  took  seventy  families,  which,  with  their  servants,  made  a 
number  of  800  persons,  and  seventeen  Franciscan  Fathers. 
These  were  :  Fray  Salvador  de  San  Antonio,  Custodio  ;  Fray 
Juan  de  Zavaleta,  Fraj'  Francisco  Jesus  ISIaria,  Fray  Juan  de 
Alpuente,  Fray  Juan  Muiios  de  Castro,  Fray  Juan  Diaz,  Fray 
Antonio  Carbonela,  Fray  Francisco  Cor\'era,  Fray  Geronimo 
Prieto,  Fray  Juan  Antonio  del  Corral,  Fray  Antonio  Voho- 
monde,  Fray  Antonio  Obregon,  Fray  Jose  Maria,  Fray  Buena- 

(1)    Documentos  para  la  historia  de  Mexico. 


Resettlement  of  Santa  Fe  Authorized  in  1693.  79 

Ventura  Contreras,  Fra}^  Jose  Narvaez  Valverde  and  Fray  Diego 
Zeinos,  Secretario. 

With  these  religious  and  the  seventy  famihes  spoken  of, 
the  governor  left  El  Paso  on  the  13th  of  October,  1693.  ^^'^ 
the  4th  of  November,  with  a  small  number  of  armed  men,  he 
went  ahead  of  his  people  from  the  hacienda  of  I^ouis  Lopez, 
four  miles  below  Socorro,  to  secure  provisions  for  them  at  Santo 
Domingo  where  they  would  meet  him.  The  Queres  of  San 
Felipe,  Zia  and  Santa  Ana  remained  faithful  to  the  peace  thej' 
had  made.  Those  of  Cochiti,  of  Santo  Domingo  and  of  Jemes 
had  joined  hands  with  the  Tanos,  Tiguas  and  Teguas  to  fight 
against  the  Spaniards,  and  were  trying  to  gain  the  Pecos  to  their 
cause.  As  to  the  Indians  of  San  Felipe,  Zia  and  Santa  Ana, 
who  refused  to  join  the  revolt,  they  were  declared  enemies  by  the 
rebels,  who  threatened  to  destro}^  them  to  the  last  man.  Vargas 
visited  all  the  discontented  pueblos,  and  in  all  he  was  given  an 
apparently  friendly  reception.  When  divided,  the  Indians  knew 
they  could  make  no  available  resistance,  and  concealed  their 
true  intentions,  until  they  should  feel  strong  enough  to  mani- 
fest them. 

The  governor,  with  all  his  soldiers  and  the  families  he  had 
brought  form  El  Paso,  arrived  at  Santa  Fe  on  the  i6th  of 
December  1693.  He  went  to  the  'Plaza'  or  square  of  the 
Presidio,  on  foot,  preceded  by  the  flag  which  had  been  used 
by  Juan  de  Oiiate  when  he  conquered  New  Mexico,  and 
chanting,  with  the  religious,  different  psalms  and  prayers  of  the 
Church.  Arrived  in  the  centre  of  the  square,  and  before  a  cross 
which  was  held  there  by  the  Indians,  they  sang  the  "Te  Deum", 
the  Eitanies  of  Our  Eady  and  three  times  the  canticle  'Benedictus.' 
This  being  concluded  the  governor  reinstated,  as  far  as  in  his 
power  lay,  the  Rev.  Custodio,  Fray  Salvador  de  San  Antonio, 
in  the  possession  of  the  missions  of  the  province.  Then  he 
went  with  all  his  people,  to  establish  his  camp  at  a  short  distance 
from  the  town,  near  the  woods  of  Tesuque,  (some  say  at  the 
place  where  now  stands  the  chapel  of  the  Rosario)  until 
provisions  could  be  made  to  establish  the  families  in  the  villa. 

Meanwhile  the  rebels  already  mentioned  were  secretly 
preparing  an  attack  against  the  Spaniards,  whom  they  intended 
to  take  by  surprise.     This  was  made  known  by  different  parties, 


80      War  Against  the  Taxos  axd  Other  Pueblos  at  Santa  Fe. 

but  more  particularly  by  Ye,  the  chief  of  the  Pecos  Indians. 
The  governor  did  not  show  how  keenly  he  felt  the  secret 
maneuvres  of  the  rebels,  but  took  his  measures  to  meet  the 
aggressors  should  they  present  themselves. 

Having  visited  the  chapel  of  San  Miguel,  which  had  been 
used  before  as  a  parochial  church  for  the  Tlescaltecas  Indians 
and  which  had  been  partly  destroyed  in  the  Pueblo  rebellion  of 
1680,  he  gave  orders  to  have  it  repaired  and  be  made  again  the 
parochial  church  for  the  Indians  and  the  Spaniards.  Owing 
to  the  quantity  of  snow  which  had  fallen  in  the  mountains  and 
which  precluded  access  to  the  places  where  timber  could  be  found, 
the  intended  repairs  had  to  be  postponed.  Meanwhile  the 
religious  services  were  held  in  a  temporar^^  house  fitted  for  the 
purpose. 

On  the  1 8th  of  December  1693,  the  Picuries  Indians 
petitioned  for  a  priest  to  be  sent  to  them  as  soon  as  possible. 
Indeed,  priests  had  been  already  assigned  to  twelve  missions, 
but  were  detained  by  the  Guardian  on  account  of  the  threatened 
revolt  of  the  rebellious  Pueblos.  This  religious  asked  the 
governor  what  security  would  there  be  for  the  priests  in  their 
missions,  when  it  was  known  through  a  trusty  Indian,  Juan 
Ye,  the  chief  of  the  Pecos,  that  the  Teguas,  Tanos  and  Picuries, 
with  a  band  of  Apaches,  were  about  to  attack  the  governor's 
camp.  Diego  de  Vargas  answered  he  wculd  see,  as  far  as 
God  would  enable  and  direct  him,  to  the  security  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, but  he  did  not  ask  that  these  should  be  sent  imme- 
diately to  their  respective  missions. 

(3)      War  Against  the  Tanos  and  Other  Pveblos  at  Santa  Fe. 

The  same  day  the  "Cabildo,"  men  of  the  municipality,, 
represented  to  the  governor  that  the  religious,  as  well  as  the 
Spanish  families,  were  getting  sick  and,  in  fact,  that  already  a 
number  of  children  had  died  for  want  of  protection  against  the 
cold  weather,  and  they  thought  it  was  not  just  that  these  peo- 
ple should  remain  without  shelter  while  the  Tanos  Indians  were 
lodged  in  the  government  houses  of  the  villa.  Consequently 
they  demanded  that  these  Indians  should  be  obliged  at  once  to 
vacate  the  premises  they  were  now  occupying. 


CIV.     Interior  of  the  Church  of  ALBrorEROuE,  N.  Mex. 


.V.     Chkks'iia.x    Bro'i  auKfe'    College, 

Santa  I-V,  N.   .Mt-.x.     Kirili'd  1^7,S. 


XVI.     Chapel  of  Our  Lady  of  Lourdes,  Erected 
BY  THE  Rev.  Camilas  Leux. 

Bless'nj  of  fhtpel.  Ju  le  19.  1S90. 


TVar  Agaisst  the  Taxos  axd  Other  Pteblos  at  Savta  Fe.        81 

A'argas  was  reluctant  to  make  use  of  any  forcible  means 
against  the  Tanos  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  houses  of  Santa 
Fe.  because  he  thought  they  were  now  submissive.  This  was 
also  the  opinion  of  Captain  Madrid  and  of  his  men.  who  were 
quartered  near  these  Indians,  and  said  they  had  noticed  no 
sign  of  revolt  in  them.  At  this  time,  a  bUnd  man  of  the  town, 
named  Agustin  Salazar,  who  was  conversant  with  the  language 
of  the  Tanos,  heard  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of  December  1693, 
that  in  tte  'Junta'  (meeting)  of  the  Indians,  their  chieftain 
told  the  Indians  not  to  be  afraid  of  the  Spaniards;  that  their 
governor  was  only  a  liar,  and  that  they  should  kill  all  the 
Spaniards.  On  the  testimony  of  this  man,  Vargas  doubled  the 
number  of  the  sentries  to  watch  all  the  movements  of  the 
Indians.  The  next  day,  December  28th.  the  Tanos  declared  war 
by  closing  the  gates  of  the  plaza  and  placing  armed  men  on  the 
Fcrt.  on  the  terraces  of  the  houses,  and  in  the  trenches. 
Thereupon  the  governor  moved  all  his  camp  to  a  place  nearer 
to  the  town,  so  that  he  could  protect  his  people  and  besiege 
the  plaza.  To  the  chief  of  the  rebels,  named  Bolsas,  who 
presented  himself  on  the  trench,  Vargas  said  he  had  better 
submit  and  not  expose  his  people  to  certain  death.  The 
Indian  repUed  that  he  could  not  give  an  answer  before  taking 
the  advice  of  the  ancients  of  the  tribe.  When  he  came  back, 
all  he  brought  was  a  rough  provocation,  mixed  with  insults 
to  the  Spaniards  and  blasphemies  against  God  and  His  saints. 

On  this  same  day,  December  29th,  Vargas  and  all  his 
people  knelt  down  to  listen  to  a  short  address  which  was 
delivered  to  them  by  the  Father  Lector:  at  the  end  of  it  they 
received  general  absolution^  and  then  marched  to  attack  the 
plaza,  foUcwing  the  flag  on  which  was  a  picture  of  Our  Lady 
of  Remedies.  During  the  fight,  the  Teguas  and  the  Tanos  of 
the  upper  river  arrived  to  help  the  besieged.  These  were 
repulsed  by  the  cavalry  of  the  governor  and  some  Pecos 
Indians,  with  a  less  of  nine  men.  At  night,  there  was  a 
suspension  of  hostilities  on  both  sides.  Early  the  next  day, 
the  Indians  were  taken  by  siuprise  within  the  square  of  the 
buildings  by  the  Spaniards,  who  had  escaladed  the  walls  from 
different  sides.  There  ended  the  siege  but  not  the  punishment 
of  the  Tanos. 


82        War  Again'st  the  Tan'os  as'd  Other  Pl-eblos  at  Sakta  Fe, 

When  Vargas  entered  the  plaza,  he  was  provoked  at  seeing; 
that  the  cross,  which  stood  before  in  the  middle  of  it,  had  been 
broken  to  pieces,  as  also  a  statue  of  Our  Lady  which  had  been 
entrusted  to  an  Indian  by  one  of  the  Spanish  families  while 
camping  out.  There  were  gathered  the  women  and  children 
of  the  Indians,  and  seventy  of  the  warriors  who  had  not  been 
able  to  make  their  escape.  These  men  were  put  to  death  bj' 
order  of  the  governor  for  their  relapse  into  rebellion.  Adding 
to  these  the  nine  who  were  killed  out  of  the  town,  and  two  who 
hung  themselves  when  they  saw  that  the  Spaniards  were  win- 
ning, we  have  the  number  of  eighty -one  Indians  who  died  at 
the  siege  of  Santa  Fe, 

The  author  of  the  Cronica  of  the  College  of  Queretaro  says 
that  Fray  Joseph  Diez,  who  had  been  put  in  charge  of  Santa 
Fe  by  the  Rev-  Custodio,  took  great  pains  to  prepare  those  un- 
fortunate men  for  death,  and  stood  by  them  until  they  ceased 
to  live.  As  regards  the  women  and  children,  they  were  given 
by  the  governor  as  captives  to  the  colonists  until  His  Majesty 
might  order  otherwise.  This  was  executed  under  the  following 
conditions  :  First,  That  the  captives  might  select  their  mas- 
ters ;  Second,  That  they  should  be  well  treated  ;  Third,  That 
they  should  be  sent  to  the  doctrine  or  religious  instruction  every 
day,  morning  and  evening  ;  Fourth,  That  nobody  should  have 
the  right  to  sell  them,  or  even  to  send  them  out  of  the  province. 
The  number  of  the  captives  was  400  persons. 

The  booty  found  in  the  plaza  after  the  siege  consisted  of 
some  live  stock  and  4,000  fanegas  of  maize,  which  the  gov- 
ernor ordered  to  be  distributed  among  the  soldiers  and  settlers. 

{3)      Tronhlc  Again  with   the  Pueblos. 

The  war  did  not  end  with  the  taking  of  Santa  Fe.  Vargas 
had  yet  to  fight  with  almost  all  the  pueblo's  of  the  Teguas  and 
the  Tanos  until  June,  1694. 

In  January  of  the  same  year,  he  was  apprised  b}-  a  letter 
from  the  viceroy  that  seventy-six  families  had  left  the  City  of 
Mexico  with  the  Procurator,  Fra}-  Francisco  Farfa.n,  for 
Santa  Fe. 

As  it  was  now  time  for  planting,  Vargas  distributed  lands 
and   seeds   to   the   settlers   and   gave  them  the  protection  of 


Trouble  Again-  with  the  Pceblos.  83 

■monnted  soldiers  during  the  time  this  work  would  keep  them 
in  the  fields.  Notwithstanding  the  armed  force  watching  on 
them,  the  colonists  were  attacked  by  the  united  rebels  from 
Jemes,  the  Queres,  Teguas,  Tanos,  Ficuries  and  Taos  on  the 
2ist  of  May.  The  same  daj-  Vargas  started  after  them,  over- 
took them  at  San  Ildefonso,  took  from  them  forty-eight  horses, 
and  made  prisoners  of  five  of  the  Jemes  Indians.  To  one  of 
these  he  gave  his  life  on  condition  that  he  would  show  the  place 
where  the  men  of  his  pueblo  had  buried  the  body  of  Fray  de 
Jesus  after  killing  him,  and  indicate  where  they  had  concealed 
the  church  vessels  and  vestments,  and  to  another  one  he  granted 
the  same  favor  at  the  request  of  Juan  Ye,  the  chieftain  of  the 
Pecos  Indians. 

On  the  23d  of  June,  Fray  Francisco  Farfan  reached  Santa 
Fe  with  the  seventy-six  families  he  had  brought  from  Mexico. 
The  governor  made  arrangements  to  locate  these  people  in  the 
villa  until  he  could  send  them  to  some  other  locality,  after  he 
should  have  pacified  the  Indians. 

In  the  first  days  of  August,  using  the  information 
given  by  the  Indians  of  the  Jemez  about  the  place  where  they 
had  buried  Fray  Juan  de  Jesus,  whom  they  had  killed  in  1680, 
the  governor  had  the  earth  removed ;  and  bones,  which,  from 
the  description  given  of  the  Father,  seemed  to  be  those  of  his 
body,  were  then  found  and  carefuU}-  collected.  These  were 
taken  by  the  goverror,  accompanied  by  the  Fathers  Juan  de 
Alpuente,  Antonio  Cbregon  and  Antonio  Carbonel,  and  carried 
to  Santa  Fe,  where,  en  the  nth  of  the  same  month,  they  were 
interred  at  the  gcspel  side  of  the  chapel  which  was  then  used 
as  the  parochial  church.      (San  Miguel,  ver>'  likely.) 

As  the  Jemez  had  lost  many  men  in  the  rebellion  and  re- 
mained without  their  wives  and  children,  who  had  been  made 
captives  in  Santa  Fe,  the}-  offered  this  time  to  make  peace  for 
good.  For  that  purpcse  the}-  offered  to  deliver  to  the  governor 
the  men  who,  among  them,  had  induced  the  others  to  revolt 
and  had  been  the  cause  of  their  total  ruin. 

On  the  1 7th  of  August,  two  of  the  Jemez  Indians  went  to 
Santa  Fe  to  ask  for  peace  in  the  name  of  the  pueblo,  and  said 
that,  if  they  had  been  so  Icng  a  time  in  rebellion,  it  had  been 
owing  to  the  counsels  of  their  chiefs,  and  more  especially  of  the 


84  Tkouble  Again  With  the  Pl'eblos, 

Indian  Diego.  The  governor  was  pleased  with  their  disposi- 
tions, and  promised,  if  they  brought  the  Indian  Diego,  and 
were  willing  to  return  to  their  old  pueblo  and  help  him  in  the 
war  against  the  Teguas,  that  he  would  treat  them  as  the  other 
Christians.  Moreover,  he  promised  to  return  to  them  the  pris- 
oners as  soon  as  thej'  would  have  complied  with  the  conditions. 
The  Indian  Diego  was  brought  and  sentenced  to  death,  but,  at 
the  request  of  the  missionaries  and  of  the  friendh*  Indians  from 
Pecos,  the  governor  commuted  the  sentence  into  banishment 
to  the  mines  of  Biscaya  for  ten  years  before  he  could  come  back 
to  his  pueblo.  As  to  the  captives,  they  had  to  be  kept  until 
the  Jemez  would  have  returned  to  their  pueblo,  and  then  de- 
livered to  them  by  Fraj-  Francisco  de  Jesus,  who  was  already 
appointed  their  resident  missionar}'. 

As  the  Teguas  were  ^-et  in  rebellion,  Vargas  determined  to 
go  and  attack  them  on  the  hill  of  San  Ildefonso  where  they  had 
entrenched  themselves.  One  hundred  and  fifty  men  of  the 
friendly  Queres,  Jemes  and  Pecos  joined  the  expedition.  In 
the  first  attack  there  were  thirteen  wounded  on  the  side  of  the 
Spaniards,  as  the  rebels  had  onh'  to  roll  rocks  from  the  top  of 
the  hill  to  injure  their  assailants  without  exposing  themselves. 
After  several  attacks  the  rebels,  having  lost  six  men  and  many 
others  being  wounded,  came  down  from  their  position  and  asked 
for  peace,  which  was  made  on  the  condition  that  they  would  all 
be  in  their  respective  pueblos  b}-  the  9th  of  September. 

(4)      The  Missions  Provided  uith  Xew  Priests. 

As  it  seemed  now  that  the  Indians  would  remain  quiet,  at 
least  for  some  time,  Vargas  left  Santa  Fe  on  the  5th  of  October, 
1694,  with  the  Vice  Custodio,  Fray  Juan  Muiioz  de  Castro,  to 
go  and  leave  missionaries  in  the  pueblos.  In  San  Ildefonso  was 
left  Fray  Francisco  Corvera,  who  had  to  attend  from  there  to 
the  pueblo  of  Jacona  ;  in  San  Juan,  Fray  Geronimo  Prieto,  with 
the  administration  of  Santa  Clara  ;  in  San  Lorenzo  and  San 
Cristobal,  Fray  Antonio  Obregon,  with  residence  at  San  Cristo- 
bal. When  these  religious  took  possession  of  their  missions 
they  had  neither  churches  nor  houses  and  were  obliged  to  con- 
tent themselves  with  some  little  huts,  which  had  been  hastil}^ 
prepared  for  them.     In  all  these  pueblos  the  governor  explained 


The  Missions  Provided  with  New  Priests.  85 

at  length  the  reasons  the  Indians  had  to  respect  their  priests, 
to  take  good  care  of  them,  and  to  build  as  soon  as  possible 
churches  and  residences  for  the  missionaries. 

On  the  24th  of  October,  Vargas  and  the  Vice  Custodio 
started  again  from  Santa  Fe  with  four  religious,  who  were  to 
take  charge  of  the  missions  of  the  pueblos  of  Pecos,  of  the 
Oueres  and  of  the  Jemes.  Father  Lector,  Fray  Diego  Zeinos, 
was  assigned  to  the  mission  of  Our  Lad^^  of  the  Angels  called 
also  "La  Porciuncula"  of  Pecos.  The  Indians  had  prepared 
already  a  residence  for  the  priest  and  were  read}^  to  put  the 
roof  on  a  chapel  until  they  could  build  a  church.  In  San  Felipe 
remained  Fray  Antonio  Carbonel,  without  either  residence  or 
church  ;  and  Fra}'  Juan  de  Alpuente  was  given  the  adminis- 
tration of  Zia  and  of  Santa  Ana.  The  name  of  the  Father  who 
was  put  in  charge  of  Jemes  is  not  known. 

In  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Ana  the  governor  was  visited  by 
the  chieftain  of  the  Oueres  of  Santo  Domingo,  who  had  re- 
mained in  the  mountains  between  Jemes  and  Cochiti  since  the 
rebellion  of  16S0,  and  who  were  now  anxious  to  make  peace 
with  the  government  and  to  have  a  priest  among  them. 

On  the  first  of  November,  the  Rev.  Custodio,  Fra}'  Salva- 
dor de  San  Antonio,  was  succeeded  by  'Fray  Francisco  Vargas, 
who  came  from  El  Paso  with  four  new  missionaries.  The  gov- 
ernor apprised  him  at  once,  that  there  were  missions  ready  for 
the  religious  he  had  brought  with  him.  Whereupon  the  Cus- 
todio distributed  his  priests  in  the  following  manner :  Fathers 
Juan  Munoz  de  Castro  and  Antonio  Moreno  were  kept  in  Santa 
Fe,  as  also  Fraj'  Diaz  who,  from  the  cit}',  had  to  attend  the 
pueblo  of  Tesuque. 

On  November  13th  Vargas  and  the  Custodio  visited  the 
newl}^  established  missions  of  the  Teguas,  Tanos  and  Queres. 
They  found  the  Indians  perfectly  satisfied  and  the  Fathers  mak- 
ing progress  in  the  teaching  of  the  Christian  doctrine.  In  the 
pueblo  of  Santa  Ana,  Fray  Jose  Garcia  Marin  was  placed  as 
minister  of  the  mission,  and  Fra^-  Antonio  Carbonel  was  sent 
from  San  Felipe  to  Cochiti,  while  Fray  Miguel  Tirso  had  to 
take  charge  of  Santo  Domingo.  There  was  neither  chapel  nor 
residence  for  the  priest. 


86  The  Missions  Provided  with  Xfiw  Priests, 

On  December  4th  the  Santo  Domingo  Indians  petitioned 
for  the  return  of  their  people  who  had  been  made  captives  at 
the  siege  of  Santa  Fe.  Vargas  granted  the  demand,  and  he  did 
the  same  with  the  Teguas  and  Tanos,  despite  the  objections  of 
the  municipality  and  of  the  residents  of  Santa  Fe,  who  did  not 
like  to  be  deprived  of  the  services  of  the  captive  Indians.  Var- 
gas had  said  in  another  instance  that  he  had  not  come  to  make 
slaves,  but  to  conquer  the  Indians  for  the  Majest}'  of  God  and 
for  his  King,  and  he  wanted  to  be  truthful  to  his  word. 

{5)     Foundation  of  the    Villa  de  Santa   Cruz,  1695. 

In  1695,  April  i8th,  Don  Diego  de  Vargas  founded,  with 
the  seventy  families  brought  from  Mexico  by  Father  Farfan, 
the  villa  of  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Canada,  which  he  called  "de  los 
Espanoles  Mexicanos  del  Seiior  Carlos."  It  was  called  the  New 
City,  because  the  valley  of  la  Canada  had  been  settled  by  some 
of  the  families  Juan  de  Onate  had  brought  in  1596.  The  same 
da}"-,  April  12th,  the  founders  of  the  villa  we're  put  in  possession 
of  a  certain  extent  of  land,  and  swore  they  would  keep  it  by  all 
possible  means  in  their  power  under  the  domination  of  Spain. 

These  families  made  their  residences  in  the  houses  the 
Tanos  had  built  on  the  north  bank  of  the  river  of  la  Canada 
since  the  rebellion,  when  they  left  Galisteo.  These  Indians 
were  ordered  to  go  to  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan,  and  those  of  San 
Cristobal  left  also  their  lands  and  houses  to  the  Spaniards.  The 
villa  of  Santa  Cruz  was  given  the  title  of  second  in  the  province, 
Santa  Fe  keeping  the  priority  of  foundation.  The  first  priest 
appointed  by  the  Custodio  to  administer  the  villa  of  Santa  Cruz 
was  Fray  Antonio  Moreno. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  villa  de  Santa  Cruz,  Vargas 
and  the  Padre  Custodio  went  to  San  Francisco  de  Nambe  where 
they  left  Fray  Antonio  Azevedo  as  minister  of  that  pueblo, 

{0)     New  Revolt  of  the  Indians,  1695. 

In  the  same  year,  1695,  ^^e  Indians  who  had  only  sub- 
mitted to  force,  thought  they  had  a  good  opportunity-  to  rebel 
again,  when  they  saw  that  the  Spaniards  had  been  distributed 
between  Santa  Fe,  Santa  Cruz  and  several  places  on  the  Rio 


New  Revolt  op  the  Indians,  1695.  '87 

Grande.  The  governor  was  notified  of  the  danger  b}'  the 
friendly  pueblos  and  by  the  missionaries,  but  he  did  not  heed 
it,  saying  he  did  not  see  anything  that  could  justify  the  rumor. 
On  the  4th  of  June  of  1696,  however,  a  revolt  of  the  Picuries, 
Taos,  Teguas,  Tanos,  Queres  of  Santo  Domingo  and  Cochiti 
and  of  the  Jemes  broke  out  like  that  of  1680.  Churches  and 
sacred  vessels  were  destroyed,  seven  religious  and  a  number  of 
Spaniards  killed.  In  the  pueblo  of  San  Cristobal  the  Tanos 
killed  Fray  Jose  de  Arvizu  and  Fray  Antonio  Garbonel,  the 
priest  of  Taos.  In  San  Ildefonso,  the  Fathers  Francisco  Cor- 
vera,  the  priest  in  charge  of  the  pueblo,  and  Antonio  Moreno 
of  the  pueblo  of  Nambe,  had  the  same  fate.  In  San  Diego  de 
Jemes  the  Indians  took  also  the  life  of  their  priest.  Fray  Fran- 
cisco de  Jesus  Abundo.  This  priest  was  called  out  as  for  a  sick 
person,  and  when  on  the  plaza,  was  clubbed  to  death  by  the 
interpreter  and  by  the  war  captain.  In  San  Ildefonso  the 
Fathers  Corvera  and  Moreno  were  shut  up  in  a  room  of  the 
convent,  where  they  died  suffocated  by  the  burning  of  the  house 
and  of  the  church,  which  was  contiguous.  In  the  same  rebel- 
lion twenty-one  Spaniards  lost  their  lives,  Vargas  started  at 
once  for  the  rebellious  pueblos,  but  too  late,  as  the  work  of 
blood  and  destruction  was  already  done.  He  could  only  see 
that  he  had  placed  too  much  confidence  in  the  Indians,  when 
they  came  to  him  for  peace  and  for  the  recovery  of  the  captives 
they  had  lost  in  the  wars. 

Padre  Velez  de  Escalante,  already  mentioned,  says  in  the 
letter  to  his  superior,  that  the  Navajo  Apaches  used  to  come 
every  year  in  July  from  the  upper  Chama  to  New  Nexico  to 
sell  skins,  dried  meat  and  the  captives  taken  from  other 
nations.  If  they  could  not  sell  or  exchange  their  captives  for 
horses,  grain  or  other  provisions,  they  were  in  the  habit  of  kill- 
ing them  before  going  back.  The  King  having  been  apprised 
of  this  ferocity  gave  orders  to  rescue,  at  his  own  expense,  the 
captives  who  might  remain  unsold  and  in  danger  of  being  killed. 

The  same  author  states  that  during  the  same  year,  1696, 
the  French  Huguenots,  who  lived  on  the  frontier  of  the  pro- 
vince, killed  4,000  of  the  Apaches  who  made  war  on  the  tribes 
of  their  neighborhood,  which  they  had  taken  under  their  pro- 
tection. 


88  Xew  Revolt  of  the  Ixdiaxs,  1695. 

In  the  year  1697,  complaint  was  sent  to  the  viceroy  by  the 
municipality  of  Santa  Fe  against  \'argas  for  bad  management 
of  the  governmetit  funds,  and  for  not  giving  due  support  to  the 
soldiers  and  to  the  colonists.  Nothing  of  what  he  must  have 
spent  in  traveling  all  the  time  from  pueblo  to  pueblo,  in  fight- 
ing against  all  the  tribes  one  after  the  other,  and  in  conquer- 
ing really  the  whole  countrj-;,  was  taken  into  account.  Whether 
for  these  charges  or  because  A''argas  had  finished  his  term  of 
oftce,  he  was  succeeded  by  Don  Pedro  Rodriguez  Cubero. 

Without  any  proof  in  support  of  the  charges  brought 
against  Vargas,  the  new  governor  had  his  predecessor  put  in 
jail.  There  he  kept  him  for  a  long  time,  deprived  of  all  com- 
munication with  an^-body,  even  by  writing.  At  last,  Fray 
Francisco  Farfan,  seeing  him  so  unjustty  treated,  as  he  thought, 
and  prevented  from  doing  anything  for  his  justification,  went 
to  Mexico  and  obtained  from  the  viceroy-  that  the  prisoner 
should  be  permitted  to  leave  Santa  Fe  for  a  journey  to  the 
capital,  where  he  could  present  his  defense,  provided  he  would 
give  the  necessary-  bonds  before  leaving  the  jail.  To  this  con- 
dition Vargas  refused  to  submit,  for  the  reason  of  his  nobility, 
and  for  the  services  he  had  rendered  to  the  Crown  of  Spain. 
For  this  refusal  he  remained  a  prisoner  until  the  20th  of  July, 
1700,  when,  after  three  years  of  a  severe  imprisonment,  he  left 
Santa  Fe  and  started  for  the  Cit^-  of  Mexico.  There  he  had  no 
difficulty  in  justif^'ing  himself  against  all  the  charges  of  his 
enemies.  This  he  did  with  so  evident  proofs,  that  the  viceroy, 
with  the  assent  of  his  council,  honored  him  with  the  title  of 
"Marquis  de  la  Nava  de  Brazinas,"  of  the  Plain  of  Brazinas. 

Father  Velez  adds  in  a  note  that  in  1703,  December  2d, 
the  members  of  the  municipality'  of  Santa  Fe  made  a  juridical 
retraction  of  all  the  charges  thev- had  presented  against  Vargas, 
stating  that  the}^  had  done  it  at  the  instigation  of  Governor 
Cubero,  whose  chief  aim  it  was  to  tarnish  the  reputation  of  his 
predecessor. 


XV'II.     St.   CAxaKRiNK's  Industrial  Indian  School, 

Santd  Fe,  N.  Mex. 


^''-^ 


XVIII.     Chjrch  of  vSax  Juan,   N.   Mex. 


XIX.  LoRETTA  Academy  of  Our  Lady  of  Light. 

Srttitrt  Fe,  .V.  Mex. 


XX.     St.   Michael's  College,  Santa  Fe,    P^rected    1887. 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Succession  of  the  Governors  from  1700  to  1800. 

{1)     The  Administration  of  Don  Pedro  Rodriguez  Cuhero. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1708,  the  Zufii  Indians  killed  three 
Spaniards  who  had  been  exiled  there,  and  were  the  cause  of 
trouble  in  several  families  of  the  pueblo.  The  missionary  priest. 
Fray  Juan  Guaraycoechea,  had  previously  written  to  Governor 
Cubero  that  the  presence  of  these  men,  as  that  of  the  soldiers 
who  had  been  given  him  as  an  escort,  was  very  obnoxious  to 
the  Indians  and  would  not  fail  to  create,  sooner  or  later,  some 
serious  difficulties.  The  governor  did  not  pay  any  attention  to 
the  advice,  and  at  last  the  offended  Indians  took  justice  in  their 
hands  and  killed  the  three  exiles.  If  the  soldiers  were  not 
treated  in  the  same  manner  they  owed  it  to  the  legs  of  their 
horses,  which  they  mounted  without  looking  for  saddles  and 
bridles.  As  for  the  priest,  nobody  molested  him,  as  all  knew 
thai;  he  always  blamed  the  conduct  of  these  bad  men  in  the 
pueblo. 

At  the  first  notice  of  what  had  happened,  Cubero  started 

with  soldiers  to  go  and  punish  the  Zuiiis.     This,  in  the  opinion 

of  the  priest  of  the  pueblo  and  the  one  of  Laguna,  Vray  Antonio 

j  Miranda,  was  not  a  wise  step,  as  the  Spaniards  deserved  noth- 

I  ing  but  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  them.     The  governor 

'  had  not  reached  the  pueblo,  when,  apprised  of  his  coming,  not 

\  only  those  who  had  killed  the  Spaniards,  but  many  others,  in 

\  order  not  to  find  themselves  implicated  in  the  crime,  fled  to  the 

]  Tan  OS  and   Moquis  of  Gualpi,  taking  along  as  many  as  they 

could  of  the  horses  and  sheep  of  their  pueblo.     There  remained 

6* 


90  The  SuccESSio>r  of  the  Governors  TROst  1700  to  1800, 

no  more  reason  to  justify,  even  apparently,  any  penalty  against 
the  Zuiiis,  still  the  governor  thought  he  must  punish  them. 
He  did  so  b}^  removing  their  beloved  priest  to  Santa  Fe,  thus 
leaving  them  exposed  to  the  influence  of  the  rebellious  Moquis 
and  Apaches.  Indeed,  Cubero  did  not  show  more  wisdom  in 
this  campaign  against  the  Zuiiis  than  in  the  way  he  treated  the 
governor,  his  predecessor. 

In  August,  1703,  Cubero  received  official  notification  that 
Diego  de  Vargas  was  coming  again  by  appointment  to  take  the 
government  of  the  province.  He  then  left  Santa  Fe  as  if  to  go 
against  the  Teguas  Indians,  but  in  reality  to  fly  from  them  and 
avoid  the  presence  of  a  nobler  man  than  himself. 

{2)   Vargas,  Governor  of  New  Mexico  for  the  Second  Time,  1703. 

On  the  loth  of  November,  1703,  Don  Diego  de  Vargas, 
now  Marquis  de  la  Nava  de  Brazinas,  took  possession  again  of  the 
government  of  New  Mexico.  There  were  then  afloat  rumors 
of  some  brewing  revolt  on  the  part  of  the  Moqui  and  Navajo 
Indians,  but  as  Vargas  was  watching  all  the  time  with  armed 
men  ready  for  any  emergency,  these  Indians,  who  were  not 
ignorant  of  his  policy,  kept  quiet  for  the  present. 

In  March,  1704,  the  governor  started  on  a  campaign  against 
the  Apaches,  who  were  invading  the  southeastern  portion  of 
the  province.  He  had  reached  the  eastern  side  of  the  Sandia 
mountain,  when  he  felt  sick  and  thought  he  could  not  go  any 
farther.  From  there,  he  turned  towards  the  settlement  of 
Bernalillo,  where  he  died  April  7,  1704,  after  writing  his  testa- 
ment, and  receiving  the  sacraments  of  the  Church.  • 

Don  Juan  Perez  Hurtado,  who  had  always  enjoyed  the 
confidence  of  Vargas,  was  appointed  acting  governor  pro  tem. 

Vargas,  as  we  have  seen,  was  charged  at  the  end  of  his 
first  administration  with  having  used  the  government  funds  for 
his  own  benefit  and  thereby  deprived  the  soldiers  and  the  colo- 
nists of  what  was  due  them.  On  the  strength  of  the  accusation 
and  without  any  legal  test  of  the  case,  the  accused  was  made 
a  prisoner  by  his  successor  and  had  to  wait  three  years  before 
he  had  an  opportunity  of  justifying  himself  before  a  competent 
authority.  At  last  his  time  came  ;  he  could  speak  for  himself 
and  show  by  stern  figures  that  he  had  defraiided  neither  the 


The  Succession  or  the  Governors  from  1700  to  1800.         91 

government  nor  any  one  of  the  people  he  had  under  his  charge. 
This  he  did  in  so  successful  a  manner  that,  instead  of  being 
reprehended,  he  was  decorated  with  a  title  of  distinction  and 
designated  to  be  appointed  again  governor  of  New  Mexico, 
when  the  term  of  office  of  Cubero  should  expire. 

Vargas  may  not  have  been  a  popular  man,  as  he  did  not 
show  much  interest  in  the  advices  he  received  daily  from  differ- 
ent sources.  He  took  notice  of  what  was  said  to  him,  but 
seldom  made  it  the  rule  of  his  conduct.  He  was  an  active  man 
and  a  good  soldier,  and  he  kept  always  a  number  of  his  men 
equipped  for  a  start  at  the  first  notice.  He  was  brave,  but  not 
cruel  towards  his  enemies.  He  knew  the  intentions  of  the 
monarch  of  Spain  towards  the  Indians,  and  never  departed  from 
them,  trying  first,  not  only  once  but  over  and  again,  means  of 
persuasion  before  using  the  sword  against  the  rebellious  In- 
dians. Indeed,  it  would  have  been  easy  for  him  to  kill  those 
who  opposed  him  only  by  their  numbers,  as  they  were  as  a  rule 
badly  armed ;  but,  as  we  have  already  remarked,  he  said  that 
he  had  not  come  to  kill  the  natives  or  to  make  them  slaves, 
but  to  conquer  them  for  God  and  his  King,  by  persuasive  words, 
as  far  as  possible. 

The  tradition  has  it  in  Santa  Fe,  that  Vargas  carried  always 
with  him  a  statue  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  which  is  yet  preserved 
in  the  cathedral  as  our  Lady  of  the  Rosary. 

{3)     Don  Francisco  Cuervo  y  Valdez  made  Governor,  1705, 

In  1705,  April  10,  Don  Francisco  Cuervo  y  Valdez  took 
the  government  of  New  Mexico.  He  found  the  Apaches  called 
Faraones,  the  Navajos,  and  even  the  Christians  of  Acoma  and 
of  Zuiii,  preparing  as  it  seemed  some  rebellion,  which  however 
did  not  break  out.  He  petitioned  the  viceroy  for  more  soldiers, 
arms,  horses  and  provisions  for  the  colonists,  but  owing  to  the 
difficulties  which  the  young  king,  Philip  V.,  had  to  contend 
with  at  that  period,  nothing  could  be  obtained  except  a  supply 
of  agricultural  implements. 

(4)      The  Foundation  of  the   Villa  of  Albuquerque,  1706. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1706,  Governor  Cuervo 
founded  the  villa  of  Albuquerque  with  the  title  of  St.  Francis, 


92  The  Scccessiox  of  the  Goveexors  from  1700  to  1800. 

in  honor  of  the  viceroy,  who  was  then  Don  Francisco  Fernandez 
de  la  Cueva  Enriques,  Duke  of  Albuquerque.  By  letters  of 
June  1 3th  and  1 8th  of  the  same  year,  Cuervo  notified  the  viceroy 
that  he  had  established  this  villa  with  thirty-five  families  of 
Spaniards,  who  lived  already  along  the  Rio  del  Norte,  (Rio 
Grande)  and  asked  chalices  and  vestments  for  the  churches  of 
the  new  town  and  for  that  of  Galisteo.  The  articles  asked  for 
the  churches  were  granted,  but  the  governor  was  blamed  for 
having  founded  the  villa  without  being  authorized  to  do  so. 
Moreover,  he  was  apprised  that  the  king  had  manifested  the 
wish  that  the  first  new  foundation  should  be  placed  under  the 
patronage  of  St.  Philip  and  not  under  that  of  San  Francisco 
Xavier. 

In  the  same  j^ear  Cuervo  resettled  the  pueblo  of  Galisteo 
with  eighteen  families  of  the  Tanos  who  had  remained  some 
3'ears  with  the  Tesuque  Indians.  To  the  new  pueblo  he  gave 
for  titular  patron  Santa  Maria  de  Gracia,  instead  of  Santa  Cruz, 
as  the  pueblo  of  Galisteo  had  been  called  before  the  revolt  of 
1 68o  when  it  was  destroyed  and  abandoned.  Cuervo  left  the 
government  of  the  province  on  the  ist  of  August,  1707. 

(5)     Don  Jose  Chacon  Medina  Salazar,  1707. 

Cuervo  was  succeeded  on  the  ist  of  August  1707  by  Don 
Jose  Chacon  Medina  Salazar,  Marquis  de  la  Penuela.  He  tried 
to  subdue  the  Moqui  Indians  by  persuasive  arguments,  but 
failed  in  his  attempt.  As  the  chapel  built  by  Vargas  (San 
Miguel  chapel  repaired  by  Vargas)  could  no  more  accommodate 
the  citizens  and  the  soldiers  of  the  town,  the  governor  ojBfered 
to  rebuild,  at  his  own  cost,  the  parochial  church  which  had 
been  demolished  in  the  revolt  of  1680,  provided  he  should  be 
allowed  to  use  the  work  of  the  Indians  for  the  purpose.  Per- 
mission for  the  rebuilding  of  the  church  was  granted  by  the 
\nceroy,  but  not  for  forcing  the  Indians  to  work  at  it.  In  case 
they  should  be  willing  to  work  without  neglecting  the  care  of 
their  crops,  the  governor  could  employ  them,  but  should  be 
obliged  to  pay  them  a  just  compensation  for  their  labor.  The 
Marquis  commenced  the  church,  but  there  is  no  proof  that  he 
brought  it  to  a  conclusion.  There  is  a  tradition  in  Santa  Fe 
which  attributes  the  building  of  the  old  adobe  church,  which 


The  Successiox  of  the  Goyeenors  from  1700  to  1800.  93 

has   been   replaced   by   the   new   cathedral,    to   an   influential 
resident  of  the  city,  named  Jose  Ortiz. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1708,  the  Apaches  proper 
broke  the  peace  they  had  kept  for  long  years  with  the  Span- 
iards, and  in  a  short  time  murdered  many  people,  made  cap- 
tives, and  committed  depredations  in  the  settlements  of  the 
frontier.  On  the  8th  of  June,  1709,  they  invaded  the  pueblo  of 
Jemes,  destroyed  the  houses  and  the  church  and  took  the  vest- 
ments and  sacred  vessels,  in  spite  of  two  squadrons  of  soldiers 
who  tried  in  vain  to  overpower  them.  The  Marquis  called  then 
on  all  the  forces  of  the  province,  and  followed  these  wild  In- 
dians into  their  own  land  and  fastnesses,  obliging  them  at  last 
to  renew  the  peace  in  the  year  17 10. 

Besides  the  Tanos,  Teguas  and  Jemes  who  had  joined  the 
Moquis  to  live  with  them,  there  were  several  families  of  the 
Teguas  who  remained  in  other  pueblos,  and  even  among  the 
Apaches.  These  were  gathered  by  Fray  Juan  de  la  Pena,  the 
new  Custodio,  who,  with  permission  of  the  governor,  sent  them 
with  sufficient  provisions  for  a  year,  to  repeople  the  old  pueblo 
of  San  Augustin  de  la  Isleta,  about  fifteen  miles  below  Albu- 
querque. When  notice  was  given  to  the  viceroy  of  what  had 
been  done,  a  petition  was  addressed  to  him  for  a  chalice,  a  bell 
and  vestments  for  the  church  of  Isleta.  The  petition  was 
granted  and  congratulations  sent  to  the  governor  and  to  the 
Custodio  for  their  success  in  promoting  the  interest  of  religion 
and  of  the  Crown  of  Spain. 

The  Custodio  visited  all  the  missions  in  company  with  an 
officer  of  the  government,  and  succeeded  in  suppressing  abuses, 
superstitions,  and  idolatry  in  the  pueblos,  as  also  the  dances  of 
the  'cabellera',  (scalp  dances),  and  the  'Estufas. ' 

On  the  15th  of  Maj^  1709,  a  charge  was  made  b}'  a  certain 
Antonio  de  Sierra  Nieto,  with  official  documents,  against  gover- 
nor Marquis  de  la  Penuela  and  the  alcaldes  may  ores,  that  they 
I  had  obliged  the  Indians  to  plant  land  for  them,  and  the  women 
!  to  keep  house  for  them,  without  any  compensation.  After  the 
;  examination  of  the  documents  establishing  the  proofs  of  the 
1  charges.  His  Excellency,  the  viceroy,  condemned  the  governor 
!  to  a  fine  of  2,000  pesos,  the  damages  caused  not  included,  and 
I  ordered  him  to  stop  the  practice  of  all  extortions  from  the  natives. 


94  The  Succession  of  the  Governors  from  1700  to  ISOO. 

The  Rev.  Custodio,  Fray  Juan  de  la  Pefia,  died  the  same 
year,  and  was  succeeded  ex  oflEicio,  by  Fray  I^opez  de  Haro, 
the  vice  president  of  the  missions,  until  a  new  Custodio  should 
be  appointed. 

{6)     Don  Juan  Ignacio  Flares  MogoUon,  1712. 

On  the  5th  of  October,  17 12,  Don  Juan  Ignacio  Flores  Mogol- 
lon  succeeded  Marquis  de  la  Peiiuela  as  governor  of  the  province. 
The  new  governor  waged  a  successful  war  against  the  Yutas 
and  stopped  their  too  frequent  raids  on  the  peaceable  Indians. 
He  gave  orders  to  the  alcaldes  of  the  pueblos  to  destroy  the 
Estufas  which  had  been  rebuilt. 

In  order  to  prevent  the  conquered  Indians  from  meditating 
revolts,  and  pursuant  to  royal  orders,  Mogollon  called  a  meeting 
of  the  soldiers,  of  the  citizens  of  Santa  Fe  and  of  the  religious 
who  could  be  conveniently  present,  to  consider  whether  it  would 
be  advisable  or  not  to  take  all  kind  of  arms  from  the  submissive 
Indians.  The  meeting  took  place  on  the  6th  of  July,  17 14. 
The  vote  of  the  citizens  and  of  the  soldiers  was  in  the  affirma- 
tive, while  the  religious  objected.  The  majority  had  it,  and  all 
the  peaceable  Indians,  a  few  excepted  by  reason  of  their  known 
services  and  fidelity,  were  disarmed. 

(7)     Don  Felix  Martinez,  October,  1715. 

In  1715,  Mogollon,  already  advanced  in  years  and  an  in- 
valid, resigned  his  charge. 

Governor  Martinez  obtained  through  the  exertions  and 
apostolic  zeal  of  the  missionary  priests  of  Acoma,  Fray  Fran- 
cisco Yrazaba,  the  return  to  their  respective  pueblos  of  158 
Indians,  who  had  fled  to  the  Moqui  villages  after  the  revolt  of 
1680,  but  there  remained  a  far  greater  number  who  refused  to 
come  back  to  their  former  homes.  These  were  kept  in  rebellion 
by  the  Tanos  of  Galisteo,  who,  as  we  have  written  before,  had 
fortified  themselves  in  the  Moqui  villages  and  were  determined 
never  to  submit  to  the  Spanish  rule. 

After  several  useless  attempts  to  bring  these  Indians  to 
obedience  by  persuasive  arguments,  the  governor  resolved  to 
reduce  them  by  force.     For  that  purpose  he  prepared  an  expe- 


The  Succession  of  the  Governors  prosi  1700  to  1800.  95 

dition  composed  of  seventy  mounted  men  and  150  Indians  from 
different  pueblos,  and  went  to  the  stronghold  of  the  rebels, 
thinking  that  the  sight  of  his  force  would  be  enough  to  intimi- 
date them,  but  this  was  not  the  case.  Instead  of  wavering  and 
yielding  to  the  peaceable  propositions  made  by  the  governor, 
the  Moqui  Indians  answered  by  an  attack  on  the  troops.  They 
lost,  it  is  true,  eight  men  in  the  battle  and  had  a  good  number 
wounded,  but  owing  to  the  fortifications  in  which  they  had 
entrenched  themselves  on  hills  of  difficult  access,  the  victory 
remained  to  them.  All  the  governor  could  do,  was  to  destroy'' 
their  crops  in  punishment  for  their  rebellion  and  retrace  his 
steps  towards  Santa  Fe.  This  attack  took  place  in  the  last  part 
of  August,  1 716.      (i) 

The  old  documents  state  that  during  the  year  17 16,  An- 
tonio Velarde  Cosio  was  appointed  by  the  vicero}^  the  Marquis  de 
Valero,  to  take  the  place  of  Martinez  as  governor.  Martinez 
refused  to  leave  the  government  of  the  province  until  he  could 
go  to  Mexico  and  have  an  interview  with  the  viceroy  on  the 
subject  of  his  removal,  as  he  thought  he  had  given  no  reason 
for  such  treatment  during  his  administration.  In  the  mean- 
time, Velarde  wrote  to  the  viceroy  and  spent  some  time  with 
the  old  friends  he  met  in  the  province,  until  he  could  get  an 
answer  regulating  his  position. 

In  the  year  17 17,  August  2d,  the  viceroy  sent  to  the  Cus- 
todian of  the  mission  a  copy  of  a  royal  schedule,  ordering  some 
measures  to  be  taken  to  insure  means  for  the  establishment  of 
schools  in  all  the  missions  for  the  instruction  of  the  youth. 
Pursuant  to  the  notification ,  the  Guardian  called  all  the  religious 
to  a  meeting  to  have  their  opinion  on  the  matter.  As  to  the 
necessity  of  schools,  not  only  for  the  Indians,  but  also  for  the 
children  of  the  Spanish  settlers,  all  agreed  without  a  dis- 
senting vote,  and  the  majority  asked  to  have  schools  in 
all  the  pueblos,  instead  of  in  the  centers  of  missions  only. 
In  regard  to  the  means  of  support  for  the  teachers,  the 
members  of  the  meeting  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
could  be  provided  by  a  contribution  of  maize  from  the  in- 
habitants of  each  village,  or  by  the  product  of  "una  milpa," 


(1)    state  Archives,  No.  250. 


96  The  Succession  of  the  Goterxors  from  1700  to  1800, 

a  certain  piece  of  land  cultivated  and  planted  in  common,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  teacher,  as  the  viceroy'  might  determine.     ( i ) 

(8)  Governors  J.  Domingo  Biistamante,  Gervasio  Crusat  y  Gonjera. 

1723  :  By  this  time  Governor  Juan  Domingo  Bustamante 
held  a  '^unta  de  guerra"  to  secure  men  and  means  for  an  ex- 
pedition against  the  Comanche  Indians,  who,  bj"  their  incessant 
raids,  had  almost  ruined  the  Jicaria  Apaches,  a  tribe  which, 
thus  far  had  ahvaj'S  been  friendly  and  faithful  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  country.      ( 2 ) 

1731  :  Governor.  Ger\^asio  Crusat  y  Gonjera  held  also  a 
junta  de  guerra,  to  prepare  an  expedition  against  the  Apaches 
hostile  to  the  government  and  the  settlements  of  the  province. 
The  same  governor  gave  strict  orders  to  the  alcaldes  to  use  their 
influence  and  authorit3'  to  check  immorality-,  gambling  and  all 
public  offenses,  and  to  oblige  all  the  vagrants  to  work  like  other 
people  for  their  own  support.  (3)  This  was  truly  a  good 
measure,  which  ought  to  be  enforced  in  all  countries  against  so 
many  wanderers,  be  they  called  tramps,  hobos  or  anj^  other 
names,  who,  though  young  and  able-bodied  men,  as  a  rule,  go 
around  depending  on  public  charity  for  their  maintenance. 
These  ought  to  be  taught,  in  some  way,  that  they  are  not  an 
exception  to  the  condition  made  by  God  to  Adam  and  his  pos- 
terity after  his  sin,  which  obliges  them  to  work  for  their  daih' 
bread.  "In  the  sweat  of  thy  face  shalt  thou  eat  bread. "  (Gen. 
iii,   19.) 

In  1734  the  church  and  conventual  house  of  the  Santa  Ana 
pueblo  were  rebuilt  under  the  administration  of  Fray  Diego 
Arias  de  Espinosa.  This  priest  had  to  paj-  the  Pecos  Indians 
for  making  eighty-four  "canes,"  spouts,  because  there  was 
nobody  in  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Ana  who  knew  how  to  make  use 
of  carpenter' s  tools.     (4) 

In  the  year  1736  the  new  church  of  San  Felipe  pueblo  was 
built  through  the  exertions  of  the  zealous  missionary,  Fraj^ 
Andres  de  Saballos. 


(1)  Old  Church  Documents. 

(2)  State  Documents. 

(3)  Old  State  Documents. 

(4)  Church  MS. 


The  Soccessiok  of  the  Governors  from  1700  to  1800.  97 

(9)     Governors  Olavide,  Domingo  and  Codallos. 

Governor  Cruzat  y  Gonjera  was  succeeded  in  1737  by- 
Enrique  de  Olavide  y  Michilena,  who  occupied  the  position 
until  the  year  1739,  when  Gaspar  Domingo  y  Mendoza  was 
appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  government  of  the  province, 
which  he  kept  until  1744.  His  successor  was  Don  Joaquin 
Codallos  y  Rabal. 

During  Codallos'  administration,  says  Haines  ( i ) ,  French 
traders  came  from  Louisiana  to  New  Mexico,  despite  the  jealous 
watchfulness  of  the  Mexican  government. 

In  1748,  according  to  the  same  author,  thirty-three  French- 
men went  to  the  Jicarilla  river  and  sold  muskets  to  the  Com- 
anches.  These  Indians  were  good  warriors,  especially  expert 
in  fighting  on  horseback,  and  for  this  reason  they  generally  did 
not  turn  their  attacks  against  the  settlements,  but  against  the 
people  who  traveled  in  caravans  on  the  plains.  Unlike  the 
Apaches,  as  we  have  been  told  by  the  old  settlers  of  New 
Mexico,  the  Comanches  never  tried  to  attack  any  considerable 
party  by  surprise.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  wont  to  make 
a  show  of  their  numbers  by  parading  at  a  distance,  sounding 
the  war  whoop,  sometimes  for  hours  and  even  for  da^^s  before 
attacking.  They  never  committed  themselves  to  a  hand-to- 
hand  fight,  but  when  they  thought  time  and  opportunity  had 
come  for  a  trial,  they  gave  the  yell,  starting  their  steeds  at  full 
speed  on  a  single  line  in  the  direction  of  the  caravan.  When 
they  thought  they  were  near  enough  to  hit  somebod)',  they 
fired  in  succession  passing  by  and  turned  back  to  take  their  rank 
in  the  file  and  come  again  if  necessary.  If  the  first  trial  did 
not  give  any  apparent  result,  another  one  was  resorted  to  from 
a  shorter  distance,  and  if  the  Comanches  lost  some  horses,  it 
was  a  proof  for  them  that  the  attacked  were  good  warriors,  and 
there  ended  the  fight.  This  was  in  case  they  lost  some 
of  their  horses,  because  they  knew  how  to  protect  themselves 
when  fighting  by  crouching  on  the  safe  side  of  their  horses, 
without  dismounting,  and  making  use  of  their  arms,  arrows  or 
muskets  from  below  the  neck  of  the  animal.     In  case  the  ad- 


(1)    History  of  New  Mexico,  from  which  we  borrow  the  succession  of  the  gov- 
ernors from  1737  to  1821,  and  valuable  details  on  their  administration. 


98  The  Scccessio.v  of  the  Governors  FRONf  1700  to  1800. 

vantage  seemed  to  be  with  the  assailants,  they  pursued  the 
bloody  work  until  they  were  at  liberty  for  plundering. 

At  times,  however,  that  is  to  say,  when  the  Comanches- 
lived  in  their  '  'rancherias' '  or  villages,  with  their  families,  there 
was  trade  between  them  and  the  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico. 
It  consisted  in  the  exchange  of  some  provisions,  like  '  'galletas," 
hard  bread  or  corn  meal,  dry  goods,  red  flannels  and  blankets 
and  some  articles  of  little  value,  like  knives,  small  looking 
glasses,  brass  buttons,  beads,  etc.  These  articles  were  offered 
by  the  Mexicans,  each  one  for  a  stated  price,  which  had  to  be 
paid  by  the  Indians  in  buffalo  robes,  prepared  '  'gamuzas, ' '  deer 
skins,  cured  meat,  horses  and  mules.  This  trade,  which  we 
saw  in  existence  in  1859  and  subsequent  3'ears,  afforded  a  means 
of  support  to  many  poor  Mexican  families. 

We  see  in  an  old  document  of  the  church  of  Sandia  that 
Governor  Codallos  was  instrumental  in  the  resettlement  of  the 
pueblo  of  that  name  in  1 748.  It  seems  that  Sandia  had  remained 
abandoned  for  more  or  less  time  after  some  rebellion  of  the 
natives  against  Spanish  rule.  At  the  above  mentioned  date, 
we  take  from  the  documents  referred  to  that  the  Indians  called 
now  the  Sandias  were  brought  by  Fray  Miguel  Manchero  from 
different  pueblos,  and  especially'  from  Acoma,  Laguna  and  Zia. 
where  they  had  come  from  the  Zuni  villages  in  order  to  live 
peaceably  as  Christians  and  subjects  of  the  King  of  Spain.  The 
priest  had  previously  secured  permission  from  the  viceroy  to 
gather  those  Indians  where  he  should  think  proper.  He  selected 
the  old  pueblo  of  Sandia,  and  there  a  very  extensive  tract  of 
land  was  granted  to  the  new  pueblo,  with  all  the  required  for- 
malities, by  the  actual  governor  of  the  province,  Don  Joaquin 
Codallos  y  Rabal,  on  the  5th  of  April  of  the  same  year,  1748. 

In  document  No.  489  of  the  Archives  of  Santa  Fe,  written 
June  25th  of  the  year  1748,  we  read  that  Governor  Codallos  de 
Rabal,  by  order  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  notified  Don 
Alonso  Victoris  Rubin  de  Celis,  captain  of  the  Real  Presidio 
del  Paso,  Rio  del  Norte,  to  send  back  to  Santa  Fe  all  the  per- 
sons who  had  previously  left  the  province  of  New  Mexico.     ( i ) 

On  the  22d  of  September,  1748,  Padre  Fray  Juan  Miguel 
Menchero,  the  priest  of  the  Sandia  mission,  made  a  visit  to  the 
(1)   See  appendix  No.  1. 


The  Succession  of  the  Governors  from  1700  to  1800.  99 

*'puesto,"  settlement  of  Cebolleta,  where  some  peaceable 
Apaches  had  established  a  rancheria,  and  baptized  one  hundred 
of  their  children.     (Archives  of  Santa  Fe,  Document  No.  499.) 

At  the  same  time  the  church  of  Santa  Fe  was  in  course  of 
construction. 

{10)     Governors    Tomas    Veles    Cachwpin — Francisco    Antonio 
Marin  del   Valle. 

Tomas  Veles  Capuchin  succeeded  Codallos  in  1749.  All 
that  is  known  of  his  administration  is  that  he  made  a  campaign 
against  the  Comanche  Indians,  who  had  pushed  their  incursions 
into  the  interior  of  the  province  as  far  as  Galisteo,  and  obliged 
them  to  retreat  to  the  plains  of  the  buffalos  with  a  loss  of  one 
hundred  and  forty-five  of  their  men,  between  dead  and  prisoners. 

In  1 754  Francisco  Antonio  Marin  del  Valle  became  acting 
governor.  We  find  in  a  manuscript  preserved  in  the  Archives 
of  the  Cathedral  at  Santa  Fe  that  Governor  Marin  went  per- 
sonally, with  some  religious  from  Santa  Fe  and  some  citizens,  to 
Picuries  and  Quarac,  to  exhume  the  bones  of  two  venerable 
priests  who  had  been  interred  in  the  two  named  missions,  then 
abandoned,  in  order  to  have  them  buried  in  consecrated  ground. 
According  to  the  documents,  the  body  of  the  venerable  Fra}' 
Ascencion  Zarate  was  found  in  the  ruins  of  the  old  church  of 
San  Lorenzo  of  Picuries,  and  that  of  the  venerable  Fray  Ger- 
onimo  de  la  Liana,  in  the  ruins  of  the  mission  of  Quarac,  in  a 
place  indicated  by  the  old  Indians.  The  remains  of  this  mis- 
sionary, as  those  of  Padre  Zarate,  were  carried  to  Santa  Fe  and 
buried,  August  31,  1759,  in  a  coffin  which  was  placed  in  the 
wall  of  the  gospel  side  in  the  old  Cathedral  church,  where  it  can 
be  seen  3'et  at  the  time  of  this  writing.  On  the  front  side  of 
the  coffin  are  engraved  in  plaster  the  following  inscriptions  : 

I. — "Aqui  yacen  los  huesos  del  venerable  P.  Fray  Geron- 
imo  de  la  Liana,  varon  apostolico  de  la  Orden  de  San  Francisco, 
los  que  se  sacaron  de  la  mision  arruinada  de  Quarac,  provincia 
de  las  Salinas  en  imo  Abril,  1759." 

Translation  :  "Here  rest  the  bones  of  Ven.  Fray  Geron- 
imo  de  la  Liana,  apostolic  man  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis. 
These  bones  were  unearthed  from  the  ruins  of  the  old  mission 
of  Quarac,  in  the  province  of  las  Salinas,  on  the  i  st  day  of  April , 
I759-" 


100        The  SdccESsioy  of  tete  Govern'ors  prom  1700  to  1800, 

2. — "Aqui  3'acen  los  huesos  del  venerable  Fray  Ascenciori 
Zarate,  varon  apostolico  de  la  Orden  de  San  Francisco.  Se 
sacaron  de  las  ruinas  de  la  iglesia  antigua  de  San  Lorenzo  de 
Picuries  el  dia  8  de  Mayo  de  1759  y  se  trasladaron  los  restos  de 
estos  dos  varones  a  esta  parroquia  de  Santa  Fe,  donde  se  sepul- 
taron  el  dia  31  de  Agosto  de  dicho  alio  de  1759,  el  Senor  Dn, 
Francisco  Antonio  Marin  del  Valle  pagando  por  caridad  el  costo 
del  sepulcro." 

Translation  :  "Here  rest  the  bones  of  the  Ven.  Fray 
Ascencion  Zarate,  apostolic  man  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis. 
These  bones  were  exhumed  from  the  ruins  of  the  church  of  San 
Lorenzo  of  Picuries,  on  May  the  8th,  1759,  and  the  remains  of 
the  two  venerable  missionaries  were  transferred  to  this  parish  of 
Santa  Fe  and  buried  on  August  the  31st  of  the  same  year,  1759." 

The  same  document  gives  the  date  1659  as  that  of  the 
death  of  Fray  Geronimo  de  la  Liana,  and  states  that  he  had 
been  held  in  veneration  by  the  Indians  of  Quarac  during  his 
stay  among  them.  We  read  also  in  it  that  the  burial  of  the 
recovered  remains  was  celebrated  with  great  solemnity  by  the 
religious  of  the  Custodia,  the  governor,  his  officers  and  a  large 
crowd  of  people, 

{11}     Govemofs  PortiUo,  Cachicpin,  Mendinii-e'td^  Anza. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  5'ear  1761,  Don  Manuel  Portilla 
Urrizola  was  appointed  governor  of  New  Mexico.  His  admin- 
istration, which  lasted  only  five  months,  was  noted  for  a  suc- 
cessful war  against  the  Comanches,  who,  the  year  before,  had 
attacked  the  pueblo  of  Taos  and  prepared  to  enter  again  the 
pro\'ince  with  an  increased  force.  As  soon  as  he  heard  of  their 
coming  the  governor  started  against  them  at  the  head  of  eighty 
soldiers  and  routed  them  completely.  The  Utes,  at  the  same 
time,  were  raiding  the  province,  avoiding  fighting  as  much  as 
possible,  but  stealing  cattle  and  horses,  here  at  one  time  and 
there  at  another,  and  driving  them  to  their  lands. 

Tomas  Veles  Cachupin  was  appointed  governor  for  the 
second  time  on  the  ist  of  February,  1762.  We  quote  from 
Haines :  '  'Under  his  auspices  an  exploring  party  was  sent  out 
to  locate  mines  in  that  part  of  the  country  that  afterwards  be- 
came Colorado.     Silver  was  discovered  in  a  sierra  near  the  junc- 


The  Succkssion  of  the  Governors  from  1700  to  1800.  101 

tion  of  the  Gunnison  and  Compahgre  river  which  they  named 
I^a  Plata,  river  of  silver,  because  of  the  finding  of  the  metal." 

In  1767  Colonel  Pedro  Fermin  de  Mendinueta  succeeded 
Cachupin  as  governor  of  the  province.  He  effected  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  the  Comanches  by  which  the  incursions  of  these 
Indians  through  the  territory  were  suspended,  at  least  for  a 
time.  Mendinueta  was  succeeded  ad  interim  in  1778  by 
Francisco  Trebol  Navarro. 

In  the  records  of  the  Cathedral,  mention  is  made  at  the 
date  of  1776  of  the  burial  of  nine  men  who  had  been  killed  by 
the  Comanches  near  Agua  Fria. 

In  1780,  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza  was  appointed  political 
and  military  governor.  He  conducted,  says  Haines,  an  ex- 
ploring party  to  California,  Colorado  and  Utah,  two  Franciscan 
Fathers  taking  part  in  it.  He  had  also  to  fight  against  the 
Comanches,  and  was  like  his  predecessor,  Mendinueta,  success- 
ful enough  to  check  their  projects  by  killing  four  of  their  chiefs 
and  thirty  of  their  warriors.  Anza,  as  an  old  resident  or  may 
be  a  native  of  Sonora,  knew  how  to  deal  with  the  Indians,  and 
thought  they  could  be  managed  better  by  persuasion  and  kind- 
ness than  by  force,  when  this  could  be  dispensed  with. 

In  this  persuasion  he  undertook  the  conversion  of  the 
Moquis  who  had  remained  obstinately  heathen  since  the  rebel- 
lion of  1680,  He  went  to  their  villages  with  two  Franciscan 
Fathers  and  tried  to  establish  a  mission  among  them,  but  as 
the  chiefs  objected,  says  Donaldson,  he  failed  to  accomplish  it. 
All  he  could  do  was  to  induce  thirty  families  of  these  Indians  to 
follow  him  to  the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico.  Bancroft  thinks  that 
these  families  may  have  been  the  founders  of  the  Moquino 
village  in  the  Laguna  region. 

During  his  administration,  Anza  had  to  make  a  campaign 
in  pursuit  of  the  Comanches,  who  had  attacked  the  town  of 
Tome,  inflicting  a  heavy  material  loss  on  its  inhabitants.  They 
were  pursued  by  a  party  of  250  men,  between  soldiers  and 
volunteers,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Guerra,  and  en- 
countered them  at  Rabbit  Ear.  After  a  fight  of  three  hours 
the  Indians  had  to  abandon  the  field  with  the  loss  of  the  spoils. 
They  came  back  unexpectedly,  retook  their  horses  and  forced 
the  Spaniards  to  retreat. 


102         The  Successiox  of  the  Goverxors  from  1700  to  1800. 

In  the  3-ear  1746,  two  missions  were  established  in  the 
province  of  Navajo  under  the  administration  of  Governor  Juan 
Bautista  de  Anza.  These  were  Sevilleta  and  Eacinal,  distant 
from  each  other  about  twelve  leagues,  and  five  or  six  from  the 
old  missions  of  Acoma  and  Laguna,  along  the  Cubero  river. 
Means  of  support  and  soldiers  for  protection  were  granted  to  the 
missionaries  by  order  of  the  viceroy,  as  well  as  church  vest- 
ments and  agricultural  implements.  These  missions  were  giving 
well  founded  hopes  for  success  when,  on  the  24th  of  June,  1750, 
the  Indians  abandoned  them  to  return  to  the  woods,  leaving 
the  church  vestments  in  charge  of  the  Laguna  mission.  (State 
Archives  No.  852.) 

{13)     Governors  I'ernando  de  la  Concha  and  Fernando  Chacon. 

Anza  was  succeeded  in  1789  by  Fernando  de  la  Concha. 

In  the  same  year  the  new  governor  ordered  the  taking  of 
a  census  of  the  population  of  his  province.  ( i )  The  docu- 
ment reads  as  follows  : 

Indians  Spaniards 

Taos 479  308 

Picuries 213  956 

Abiquin 160  992 

San  Juan 205  1,398 

Santa  Cruz 3,303 

Santa  Clara 201              

San  Ildefonso 317             

Pojnaque 77  479 

Nambe 180              

Cochiti 527  496 

Jemes 265  118 

Zia 222              

Santa  Ana 399              

San  Felipe 260              

Santo  Domingo 493              

Sandia 252  730 

Albuquerque 1,347 

Isleta 383  676 

Belen 2,030 

Laguna 653              

Acoma 783              

Zuni 2,437               

Socorro 425 

Pecos 138              

Tesuque 162              

Santa  Fe 2,901 

Total 8,806  16,059 

Grand  total  of  population,  24,865. 

(1)    The  copy  of  this  census  has  come  to  us  through  the  kindness  of  Benjamin 
M.  Read,  Santa  Fe. 


The  Succession  of  the  Governors  from  1700  to  1800.         103 

Dela  Concha  was  succeeded  in  1794  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Fernando  Chacon. 

Owing  to  the  activity  of  the  former  governors  to  prevent 
or,  at  least,  to  lessen  the  number  of  the  wild  Indian  raids,  there 
commenced  between  New  Mexico  and  the  provinces  of  Chi- 
huahua and  Sonora  a  trade  which  extended  gradually  in  sub- 
sequent years. 

The  administration  of  Chacon  was  protracted  until  the 
year  1805.  This  period  was  one  of  an  ominous  calm,  but 
nobody  could  foresee  what  would  come  soon  or  late.  It  was  in 
1803  that  the  United  States  enlarged  their  Territory  by  the 
purchase  of  the  province  of  IvOuisiana,  which  they  got  from 
Napoleon  I.  for  fifteen  million  dollars. 

During  Chacon's  administration,  the  Comanches  kept 
peaceable  and  friendly  with  the  Mexican  government,  exercis- 
ing a  common  yearly  trade  with  the  New  Mexico  people.  The 
trouble  was  only  with  the  Navajos  who  were  generally  sneak- 
ing in  the  mountains,  watching  for  an  opportunity  to  steal  with 
impunity. 

We  see  in  a  pastoral  letter  of  the  bishop  of  Durango,  Don 
Benito  Crespo,  that  in  1805,  by  disposition  of  the  King  of 
Spain,  a  naval  expedition  was  started  for  New  Spain  for  the 
introduction  of  vaccin  in  the  Mexican  possessions.  This  expe- 
dition was  accompanied  by  men  experienced  in  the  application 
of  the  preservative  against  small-pox. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

Impending  Difficulties  between  Mexico  and  the 
United  States.  Governor  Alencaster  and  his  Suc- 
CESSSORS  Manrique,  Mainez  and  Aelande.  The  Trade 
WITH  THE  Western  Provinces  of  the  United"  States 
Assuming  Large  Proportions. 

{1)       TJie  Fall  of  the  Spanish  Rule  in  the  Mexican  Colonies. 

Fernando  Chacon  had  for  successor  as  governor  Colonel 
Joaquin  del  Real  Alencaster,  in  1805.  At  this  time  there  were 
several  parties  of  American  soldiers  sent  north  by  their  govern- 
ment, apparently  for  a  reconnaissance  of  the  United  States 
limits,  but  in  reality  to  ascertain  how  much  protection  had  the 
Spanish  frontier.  "These,"  says  Haines,  "were  the  scouts  of 
the  great  army  of  the  Americans  whose  footsteps  were  soon  to 
echo  through  the  streets  of  Santa  Fe."  This  was  exactly  so 
understood  by  the  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico,  among  whom  it 
was  generally  rumored  that  the  Americans  were  stud^dng  how 
to  invade  their  Territory.  Governor  Alencaster  watched  their 
movements,  and  in  1806,  he  put  four  hundred  men  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Facundo  Melgares,  to  explore  the 
northeastern  frontier  of  his  province  and  see  whether  the  fear 
of  any  danger  had  any  foundation  or  not.  Everj'thing  seemed 
to  be  quiet  as  yet.  Meanwhile  the  American  expeditions  suc- 
ceeded one  another  on  the  borders  of  New  Mexico.  One  of 
them,  entrusted  to  Lieutenant  Zebulon  Pike  with  twenty-two 
men,  in  the  fall  of  1806,  had  for  its  object  the  exploration 
of  the  Arkansas  and  Red  rivers.      The  men  of  the  party  very 


The  Fall  op  the  Spanish  Rcle  in  Mexican  Colonies.  105 

likel}^  went  too  far  north,  and  entered  the  Spanish  possessions, 
when  they  turned  west  in  search  of  the  Red  river,  which  they 
had  left,  as  they  were  already  above  its  source.  Following  the 
direction  they  had  taken,  they  had  to  cross  the  Spanish  peaks 
through  the  snow,  with  great  difficulty  and  suffering  from  want 
of  food  and  covering.  At  the  end  of  three  months  spent  in 
crossing  the  mountains,  they  reached  the  Rio  Grande,  some- 
where in  the  country'  called  now  the  "Conejos  Valley,"  on  the 
30th  of  Januar^^,  1807. 

Thinking  that  they  had  found  at  last  the  Red  river,  they 
established  there  their  camp  in  order  to  take  a  well  needed  rest 
and  send  back  for  some  of  their  party  who  had  remained  behind 
with  frozen  feet.  It  was  in  crossing  the  mountains  that  the 
attention  of  the  Lieutenant  was  attracted  by  one  of  the  peaks, 
which  he  took  for  some  time  as  a  mark  for  his  direction.  This 
has  since  been  distinguished  from  the  others  by  the  name  of 
Pike's  peak. 

Governor  Alencaster  having  been  apprised  of  the  presence 
of  American  soldiers  in  his  territory-,  sent  them  an  order  to 
report  to  Santa  Fe  without  dela}^  and  explain  what  their  in- 
tentions were.  Great  was  the  surprise  of  the  Lieutenant  when 
he  was  told  that  he  had  come  to  the  Rio  Grande  and  was  in 
the  province  of  New  Mexico.  He  did  not  wdsh  to  go  any 
further  w^hen  he  realized  that  he  had  made  a  mistake,  but  in 
order  not  to  compromise  his  government,  he  submitted  and 
followed  the  governor's  messenger  to  Santa  Fe. 

The  capital  city  was  reached  in  four  da^'S  and  the  Lieuten- 
ant himself,  as  quoted  by  Haines,  explains  in  his  journal  the 
poor  impression  their  ragged  accoutrements  must  have  made  on 
the  inhabitants.  They  were  so  shabbih'  dressed,  some  with 
pieces  of  blankets,  others  with  the  skins  of  the  bufFalos  they 
had  killed  during  their  journe^^  that  they  were  considered  b)' 
the  good  Spaniards  of  Santa  Fe,  as  people  vers'  little  different 
from  the  Indians.  Those  Spaniards,  however,  took  good 
care  of  them,  and  especial^  of  their  sick  men,  and  for  this  reason 
the  Lieutenant  made  grateful  mention  of  them  in  his  book. 

The  governor  of  Santa  Fe  confident^  gave  credence  to  the 
explanation  of  the  mistake  committed  by  Pike,  but  told  him 
that  he  would  have  to  go  to  Chihuahua  with  an  escort  he  would 


106       The  Fall  of  the  Spanish  Role  ts  Mexican  Colonies. 

furnish  him  and  explain  his  positiou  to  General  Salcedo,  the 
"Comandante  militar"  of  that  cit}'.  At  Chihuahua  the  Ameri- 
cans were  treated  with  as  much  courtesy  as  by  Governor  Alen- 
caster  at  Santa  Fe.  They  were  permitted  to  return  to  their 
country  without  fearing  to  be  molested  anywhere  on  Spanish 
soil. 

Alencaster  had  for  successor  as  Governor  Lieutenant  Man- 
rique  in  1808.  According  to  Haines,  in  1810  New  Mexico  was 
accorded  the  honor  of  having  a  representative  in  the  Spanish 
Cortes,  and  Don  Pedro  Bautista  Pino  was  elected  the  delegate 
for  the  province.  While  in  Spain,  Pino  represented  to  the 
Cortes  the  necessity  of  New  Mexico  having  some  militar3^  posts 
for  her  protection,  either  against  the  wild  tribes  or  against  any 
attack  from  a  foreign  nation.  He  asked  also  for  a  bishopric, 
a  college  and  schools  for  his  province  ;  but  owing  to  the  diffi- 
culties which  then  existed  between  France  and  Spain,  and  ex- 
hausted all  the  resources  of  the  latter,  the  petitions  cf  the 
delegate  from  New  Mexico  remained  without  effect. 

In  18 1 5  Don  Alberto  Mainez  succceeded  Manriqae  and  had 
himself  for  successor  Don  Pedro  Maria  de  Allande  in  18 16, 
AUande  made  a  successful  war  against  the  Navajos,  who  %vere 
raiding  the  populations  of  the  province,  and  obliged  them  to 
retreat  to  their  countrj',  at  least  for  some  time. 

Allande  was  succeeded  in  1 8 1 8  b^^  Facundo  Melgares  who 
was  the  last  governor  for  Spain, 

In  18 1 7  the  Visitor  of  the  missions,  Fray  Juari  Bautista 
Guevara  invited  Governor  Allande  to  be  present  at  the  escami- 
nation  of  the  schools  of  both  sexes  at  Santa  Fe  which  was  to- 
take  place  on  the  Sunday  after  mass  in  the  church  for  more 
publicity.  All  the  teachers  were  to  be  present,  each  one  at  the 
head  of  the  division  intrusted  to  him  or  her. 

(S)      The  Trade  Beticeen  New  Mexico  and  the  Western  Cities  of 

the  United  States. 

It  was  in  the  last  3'ears  of  the  Spanish  government  and 
particularly  from  1816,  that  the  trade  between  the  w^estern  cities 
of  the  United  States  and  Santa  Fe  commenced  to  take  the  pro- 
portions of  a  steady  business-like  industry.  Communication 
with  Mexico  was  difficult,  and  the  supplies  which  could  be  had 


The  Fall  of  the  Spaxish  Rule  ix  Mexican  Colonies.         107 

from  there  were  very  limited,  while  the^'  were  very  complete  in 
the  cities  of  the  United  States.  This  last  consideration  was  the 
chief  reason  why  the  New  Mexico  people  accepted  the  condi- 
tions which  were  offered  to  them  by  the  business  men  of  the 
East  for  the  trade  in  goods  of  all  sorts. 

The  nearest  emporium,  or  the  one  of  easiest  access  from 
New  Mexico,  was  St.  Louis,  which  for  this  reason  was  made 
the  center  of  the  Santa  Fe  trade,  and  remained  so  almost  ex- 
clusively until  communications  b)'  rail  were  established  in  all 
directions.  The  trade  was  carried  on,  first  with  the  help  of 
pack  animals,  and  later  of  wagons  from  Lawrence,  and  later 
from  Kansas  City  to  New  Mexico.  The  distance  to  be  trav- 
eled was  nine  hundred  miles  of  plain,  at  the  risk  of  losing 
everj'thing,  even  life,  at  the  hands  of  the  savage  Indians  who 
roamed  continually  over  the  prairies,  especially  in  the  summer 
time.  During  the  cold  season  the  Indians  generall^^  retired  to 
the  mountains  or  to  places  where  the^^  could  find  wood  for  fuel 
and  trees  for  protection  against  the  cold  winds,  thus  leaving 
the  traders'  trail  comparatively  safer ;  still,  there  remained  yet 
the  danger  of  intense  cold  and  of  frequent  snow  storms.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  caravans  could  hardh'  make  two  trips  from 
New  Mexico  to  Kansas  City  and  back  during  the  summer 
season,  and  this  was  not  enough  to  supply  the  wants  of  the 
population  of  the  territory.  Then,  in  order  to  answer  the  de- 
mand for  imported  provisions,  and  in  consideration  of  the  higher 
compensation  for  freightage,  several  attemps  were  made  to  cross 
the  plains  in  the  winter  time,  but  generally  with  disastrous  re- 
sults for  those  who  made  the  attempt. 

To  show  how  dangerous  it  was  in  former  times  to  cross 
the  plains  in  the  winter  we  have  no  better  illustration  than  the 
answer  given  in  1852  by  J.  L.  Collins  to  Governor  William  Carr 
Lane  on  the  subject.  The  inquirj^  of  the  governor  was  about 
the  practicability  of  encouraging  travel  during  the  winter  between 
Santa  Fe  and  the  Missouri  river  through  the  plains.  Collins 
replied  in  wnriting  pretty  nearly  in  the  following  manner  :      ( i ) 

"The  first  attempt  was  made  b^^  a  small  party  from  St. 
Louis  in  the  year   1824  or  1825,  by   Messrs.  Faulkner  and  An- 


(1)    His  letter  is  to  be  seen  iu  the  appendix  of  the  governor's  message  for  the 
•year  1852. 


108  TnK  Fall  of  the  Spaxish  Rule  in  Mexican  Colonies. 

derson.  They  were  caught  by  a  heavy  fall  of  snow  at  Chau- 
teaii's  Island  on  the  Arkansas  river  and  lost  nearly  all  their 
horses  and  mules.  They  wintered  on  an  island  that  has  been 
known  since  as  "Log  Island"  on  account  of  the  many  trees 
they  had  to  cut  for  the  subsistance  of  their  few  remaining  ani- 
mals and  for  sheltering  the  men  from  the  storm. 

Subsequently  the  road,  being  better  known,  was  traveled 
frequently  even  in  the  winter,  but  often  the  attempt  resulted  in 
loss  of  property  and  not  unfrequentlj^  of  human  life. 

In  December  1841,  Don  Manuel  Alvares,  with  a  small 
party,  was  caught  in  a  storm  on  "Cottonwood  Creek"  near 
"Council  Grove."  In  a  few  hours  two  men  and  all  the  mules 
were  frozen  to  death.  Alvares  saved  the  remainder  of  his  men 
by  forcing  them  into  motion  until  the  storm  abated  ;  many  of 
them,  however,  were  badly  frozen. 

About  the  same  period  another  party  under  the  charge  of 
Don  Antonio  Roubidoux  had  to  stand  a  storm  at  the  same 
place.  They  lost  in  one  night  one  or  two  men  and  over 
four  hundred  horses  and  mules. 

In  1844  Dr.  H.  Connelly  and  M.  Spyre  got  into  a  storm  near 
the  Arkansas  river,  and  on  October  12th  lost  a  number  of  mules 
and  saved  the  remainder  only  by  driving  them  into  the  timber 
of  the  river,  where  they  could  be  protected.  The  same  party 
encountered  another  rough  storm  on  the  Cimaron,  in  which 
they  lost  over  three  hundred  mules  and  were  compelled  to 
remain  until  animals  were  sent  from  Santa  Fe  to  their  relief. 

In  1848  Messrs.  Waldo,  McCoy  &  Co.,  government  freight- 
ers, in  returning  to  Missouri,  lost  nearty  all  their  cattle, 
amounting  to  eight  or  nine  hundred  head.  The  wagons  were 
left  on  the  spot  until  next  spring. 

In  1849,  Messrs.  Brown,  Russell  &  Co.,  in  crossing  the 
the  Jornada  from  the  Arkansas  to  Cimaron  with  some  twenty 
wagons,  were  caught  by  a  terrific  wind  and  snow  storm.  The 
men  took  refuge  in  the  wagons,  leaving  the  cattle  go  where 
they  pleased.  The  animals  would  not  leave,  but  gathered  in 
the  enclosure  formed  by  the  wagons,  where  they  perished  in  a 
few  hours.  Fortunately  provisions  were  plent}^  and  the 
wagons  could  be  used  for  fuel.  Thus  the  men  could  subsist 
until  succor  arrived  in  the  spring. 


The  Fall  of  the  Spaxish  Rule  ix  Mexican  Coloxies.         109 

In  1850  the  same  company'  with  government  freight  was 
caught  b}' another  snow  storm  between  Cimaron  and  San  Miguel 
and  lost  over  a  thousand  head  of  cattle. 

In  1851  Cottonwood  Creek  was  again  the  scene  of  an  awful 
destruction  of  life.  Colonel  Sumner  was  overtaken  by  a  storm 
at  that  place  and  lost  nearly'  three  hundred  mules,  one  man 
was  lost  and  several  others  badly  frozen. ' ' 

Mr.  Collins  after  this  expose  of  the  above  disastrous  events, 
which  we  have  shortened  of  some  of  its  details,  refrains  from 
giving  an  estimate  of  the  losses  of  life  and  property  caused  by 
marauding  tribes  during  thirt}'  jxars. 

In  1859,  when  the  writer  came  to  New  Mexico,  vers-  few, 
if  any,  dared  to  cross  the  plains  in  the  winter  time.  Some 
would  start  from  New  Mexico  late  in  the  fall,  and  stay  near 
Kansas  City  until  next  spring,  thus  avoiding  the  severe  cold 
and  coming  back  to  their  homes  early  enough  to  effect  a  new 
round  trip  before  the  coming  of  the  winter.  In  this  wa}^,  those 
who  had  good  animals  could  make  three  freighting  expeditions 
in  two  years. 

After  this  digression  we  return  to  our  subject,  to  give  a 
succinct  account  of  the  causes  of  the  fall  of  the  Spanish  rule  in 
the  Mexican  Colonies. 

{3)     The  Fall  of  the  Spanish  Rule  in  Mexico. 

For  a  long  time,  signs  of  discontent  had  manifested 
themselves  in  the  possessions  of  New  Spain.  The  reason  was 
not  only  the  distance  from  the  head  of  the  government,  which 
could  not  always  give  timely  orders  for  the  maintenance  of 
peace,  but  also  the  kind  of  men  who  had  come,  either  of  their 
own  accord  or  sent  by  the  government,  to  settle  in  the  Mexican 
colonies.  The  former,  including  the  explorers  and  conquerors, 
had  come  to  improve  their  fortunes,  and  in  order  to  reach  that 
end,  man^'  of  them,  despite  the  rules  and  edicts  of  the  monarchs 
of  Spain,  ver^-  often  wronged  the  Indians  and  the  race  of  mixed 
blood,  for  their  own  benefit.  The  latter  were  a  turbulent  class 
of  people  who  had  been  exported  from  Spain  because  of  their 
revolutionary  dispositions,  and  these,  as  might  be  expected, 
did  not  behave  any  better,  to  sa}^  the  least,  in  the  colonies  than 
in  their  native  country.     To  this  reason  must  be  added  the  lack 


110         The  Fall  of  the  Spaxisii  Rl'le  ix  Mexican  Colonies. 

of  fusion  between  the  Spanish  element  in  the  colonies  and  the 
race  of  mixed  blood.  The  marked  and  affected  superiority^  of 
the  former  weighed  too  heavily  on  the  latter  to  pass  unnoticed. 
The  Spanish  population  proper  was  a  small  minority,  still,  as 
we  read  in  Johnson's  Cyclopaedia,  it  was  the  party  "which 
monopolized  the  posts  of  honor  and  influence,  as  well  as  the 
large  landed  estates  and  the  commercial  wealth  of  the  country. " 
Thence  followed  the  organized  revolutions  for  independence. 
The  first  started  from  Dolores  on  the  i6th  of  September  1810, 
at  the  call  ot  Cura  Hidalgo,  the  parish  priest  of  that  place. 
The  appeal,  though  responded  to  by  many  people  anxious  for 
libert}^,  could  not  have  the  desired  effect.  After  a  triumphant 
march  through  several  sympathetic  districts,  Hidalgo  was  made 
prisoner  by  the  government  force  and  shot  on  July  31st  18 11. 
His  work  was  taken  up  and  continued  in  a  more  active  manner 
by  another  priest,  Father  Morelos,  who  proceeded  victoriously 
towards  the  capital  but  was  defeated  near  it,  at  San  Cristobal, 
in  the  pueblo  of  Acatepec,  where  he  was  made  prisoner  and 
shot  on  the  22d  day  of  December  1815.  Before  dying  Morelos 
fell  on  his  knees  and  exclaimed:  "Sefior,  Tu  sabes  si  he  obrado 
bien,  si  no,  imploro  tu  infinita  misericordia."  "O  Lord,  Thou 
knowest  whether  I  have  done  right;  if  not,  I  implore  Thy  infinite 
mercy."  Hidalgo  and  Morelos,  it  must  be  assumed,  acted 
under  the  impulse  of  a  strong  conviction  and  for  the  good  of 
their  downtrodden  race,  though  not  in  conformity  with  the 
principles  and  duties  of  the  priesthood  to  which  the^^  belonged. 
May  God  have  taken  their  intention  and  we  might  add,  their 
ignorance  of  duty  into  account,  for  the  shedding  of  human 
blood  w^hich  was  caused  by  the  revolution  they  originated  and 
for  which  they  were  sacrificed.  These  two  first  leaders  of  the 
revolution  against  the  established  government  died  before 
effecting  what  they  proposed,  but  the  spirit  of  rebellion  w^hich 
they  had  stirred  up  and  brought  nearly  to  a  complete  success 
despite  the  bad  organization  and  poor  equipment  of  their  fol- 
lowers, survived  them. 

From  this  time,  several  revolutions  were  started  and 
suppressed  in  succession  until  1821,  when  the  last  one  caused 
the  fall  of  the  Spanish  government  in  the  possessions  of  New 
Spain,  and  actually  made  an  independent  country-.     The  end  of 


The  Fall  of  the  Spavish  Rcle  ix  Mexican  Colonies.         Ill 

the  Spanish  rule  in  New  Spain  was  accelerated  by  the  govern- 
ment of  England  which,  at  that  time  giving  an  interested 
protection  to  Ferdinand  VII.  against  the  encroachments 
of  Emperor  Napoleon  on  the  Peninsula,  had  already  its  agents 
in  Mexico  to  foster  the  spirit  of  rebellion  and  to  take  hold  of 
the  commerce  of  that  country.      ( i ) 


(1)    Victor  du  Himiel,  Hi&toire  dEspagne.    (Toui'5,  1850.} 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Some    Remarks   on   the   Period   of   Coloxizatiox   and 

THE    Government    of    Spain    in    Mexico.      Objections 

Answered. 

It  was  in  1521  that  what  has  been  called  New  Spain  was 
practically  acquired  for  the  Crown  of  Spain  b}'  the  conquest  of 
IMexico  by  the  gallant  Fernando  Cortez,  and  it  was  governed 
by  the  Spanish  rule  for  three  hundred  years.  Much  has  been 
said  and  written,  even  by  people  who  ought  to  know  better, 
against  the  Spanish  government  in  the  American  possessions  ; 
against  its  tyranny  and  cruelt^^  its  fanaticism  for  the  exten- 
sion of  the  Catholic  religion  and  its  greed  for  gold.  These 
charges  are  the  points  on  which  we  will  express  our  opinion  in 
this  chapter,  thereby  refuting  man}"  objections  with  histori- 
cal documents  from  good  authorities. 

(i)      Was   the   Government  of  Spain  a  Tyrannical  One  in  the 
Possessions  of  New  Spain  f 

To  answer  these  specious  charges  we  must  make  some 
allowance  for  the  circumstances  of  the  time  and  for  the  kind  of 
people  the  Spaniards  had  to  deal  with,  first  to  conquer  and  next 
to  govern.  The  first  explorers  who  were  sent  from  Spain  to 
America,  were  generally  good  soldiers,  men  who  knew  how  to 
make  use  of  arms,  and  as  a  rule  not  accustomed  to  retreat  be- 
fore the  enemy.  No  wonder  then,  if  in  many  battlefields  they 
inflicted  heavy  losses  on  the  aborigines  who,  though  utterh' 
ignorant  of  European  tactics,  relied  on  their  numbers  and 
fought  until  they  realized  they  were  completely  defeated.    Was 


XXI.     Most    Rev.  J.    B.    Lamy,    D.    D. 


Fir.st  .\rehbisliop  of  Sauta  Fe,  N.  Mox. 


XXII.    Most  Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe,  D.  D. 

Second  Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe ,    \.-Mex. 


Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Colonization.  113 

there  any  cruelty  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards,  especially  when 
we  know  that  the^^  never  made  use  of  their  arms  when  not 
obliged  to  do  it  ?  No,  we  see  nothing  in  their  wars  against  the 
natives  but  the  consequences  of  fighting  between  nation  and 
nation,  or  even  between  the  citizens  of  the  same  country,  as 
was  the  case,  not  so  msLnj  years  ago,  in  these  United  States. 

The  Spaniards  may  have  not  unfrequently  exceeded  the 
just  limits  in  the  repression  of  rebellions,  but  they  had  to  assert 
their  superiority  by  enforcing  obedience,  otherwise  they  would 
not  have  been  the  conquerors  but  the  conquered,  always  subject 
to  the  attacks  of  the  rebellious  natives.  We  will  add  that, 
before  pass'ing  a  hasty  judgment  on  the  deeds  of  men  of  a  far 
distant  epoch,  we  ought  to  know  its  characteristics.  Men  of 
over  three  centuries  ago,  we  fancy,  must  have  been  rude  in  their 
wa3^s,  severe  in  the  punishment  of  faults,  and  in  all  manners  far 
from  our  civilization  and  refined  instincts.  This  is  our  opinion  : 
We  think  we  have  left  far  behind  us  the  barbarous  times. 
Still,  without  mentioning  how  the  first  settlers  in  the  United 
States  dealt  with  the  aborigines,  has  not  the  government  of 
this  country'  treated  the  Indians  with  more  severity,  not  to  sa^'- 
cruelty,  than  did  the  Spaniards  of  centuries  ago?  This  the 
United  States  government  did,  not  to  establish  its  authority, 
but  in  many  instances,  to  punish  the  misdeeds  of  some  Indians. 
What  the  government  did  in  this  nineteenth  centur^^  private 
citizens  have  done  also  on  several  occasions,  kilHng  Indians, 
men,  women  and  children,  when  taken  by  surprise  in  their 
"rancherias"  (camps),  for  stealing  some  cattle  or  horses. 

Now,  as  far  as  tyranny  is  concerned,  we  have  alread}^  ad- 
mitted that  it  existed  to  some  extent  in  certain  districts  of  New 
Spain,  and  that  it  was  one  of  the  chief  causes  which  gave  rise 
to  the  revolutions  which  have  brought  about  the  independence 
of  Mexico  ;  but,  as  already  suggested,  this  was  due  to  unscrup- 
ulous fortune  seekers  who  speculated  on  the  work  of  the  Indians 
in  flagrant  \nolation  of  the  government  orders. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  missions  in  the  New  World,  we 
see,  by  the  history  of  that  epoch,  that  the  Dominicans  Monte- 
sino  and  Bartolome  de  las  Casas,  preached  openly  against  the 
oppressors  of  the  natives,  and  advocated  a  law  which  would 
protect  them  against  any  compulsory  work.     The  Hieroniraites 


114  Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Colonization. 

and  the  Franciscans,  while  deprecating  any  oppression  of  the 
Indians,  were  of  the  opinion  that  moderate  work  could  not  but 
be  very  beneficial  to  them,  teaching  them  how  to  support  them- 
selves, and  at  the  same  time,  beneficial  to  the  commonwealth 
by  preventing  them  from  preparing  rebellions.  This  last  opin- 
ion prevailed,  but  called  for  royal  edicts  stating  what  kind  of 
labor  could  be  required  from  the  natives.  These  documents 
show  by  evidence,  how  anxious '  the  monarchs  of  Spain  were 
that  the  Indians  should  not  be  molested  without  good  reasons, 
and  even  in  this  case,  there  were  provisions  obliging  the  local 
authorities  to  take  into  account  the  ignorance  of  the  delinquents 
and  not  to  punish  them  with  too  much  severity. 

We  could  reproduce  here,  were  it  not  too  long,  several  in- 
structions given  by  the  Spanish  Kings  to  their  vicero^^s,  in 
regard  to  the  government  of  the  Indians,  in  which  there  is 
always  particular  attention  called  to  the  necessity  of  treating 
kindly  the  aborigines  in  order  to  make  them  good  Christians 
and  good  citizens.      ( i ) 

From  these  and  many  other  historical  proofs  which  might 
be  given>  it  can  be  inferred  that  none  of  the  wrongs  committed 
by  the  Spaniards  against  the  Indians  in  New  Spain  can  be  im- 
puted to  the  Spanish  government.  This  government  did  not 
order  the  destruction  of  the  Indians,  but  their  protection  and 
civilization,  their  instruction  and  elevation  in  the  moral  and 
social  order.  They  (the  Indians)  were  left  in  full  possession 
of  their  lands,  which  by  law  were  insured  to  them  forever.  '  'It 
is  due,"  says  Lummis,  "to  the  generous  and  manly  laws  made 
by  Spain,  three  hundred  years  ago,  that  our  most  interesting 
and  advanced  Indians,  the  pueblos,  enjoy  today  full  security 
in  their  lands."  Spanish  colonists  were  sent  to  remain  in  the 
conquered  possessions,  where  they  intermarried  and  brought 
up  a  generation  of  mixed  blood,  the  Mexican  population  which, 
in  numbers  and  qualities  is  far  superior  to  the  former  Indian  race. 

{£)     Fanaticism  for  the  Extension  of  the  Catholic  Religion. 

As  regards  what  has  been  termed  fanaticism,  we  will  call 
it  by  its  true  name  the  zeal  for  the  extension  of  the  Catholic 


(I)    Juande  Solorzano  Perlyia;    "De  Indiarum  Jure." 


Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Colonization.  115 

religion,  and  explain  how  it  was  exercised  among  the  natives 
of  the  New  World.  It  was  the  main  object  of  the  Catholic 
moiiarchs  of  Spain,  in  pushing  their  domination  over  the  idola- 
trous aborigines,  to  have  these  converted  to  the  Catholic  faith. 
This  object,  which  was  encouraged  and  blest  by  the  Supreme 
Pontiffs,  was  never  lost  sight  of  by  the  valiant  conquerors,  but 
never  sought  by  force.  Once  subjugated,  the  Indians  were 
asked  to  accept  among  them  missionaries  who  would  instruct 
them  in  the  true  religion  ;  but  they  were  never  obliged  to  do  so, 
nor  punished  for  objecting  to  the  proposition .  But,  says  Governor 
L.  Bradford  Prince  in  his  history  of  New  Mexico,  as  quoted  by 
Thomas  Donaldson  in  the  Extra  Census  Bulletin,  "as  time 
passed  the  colonists  became  stronger,  the  priests  resorted  to 
other  means  than  pious  example  and  persuasion  to  bring  con- 
verts to  the  Christian  faith.  Men  whose  zeal  far  outran  their 
discretion,  took  part  in  the  work  and  the  spirit  of  persecution 
then  dominant  in  Europe,  began  to  exert  its  baneful  influence 
among  the  peaceful  and  kind  hearted  natives  of  New  Mexico. ' ' 
We  beg  leave  to  say  that  Mr.  Prince  was  badly  informed 
when  he  wrote  the  above  lines.  The  priests  preached  the 
Catholic  religion,  according  to  the  rules  of  the  Church,  and  in 
conformity  with  the  royal  instructions,  which  required  from 
the  missionaries  patience  and  kindness  in  behalf  of  the  Indians. 
They  preached  with  a  zeal  which  indeed  outran,  as  true  history 
has  it,  not  against  the  Indians  but  against  themselves,  by  ex- 
cessive work  and  daily  privations.  To  substantiate  his  asser- 
tions, the  governor  says  that  "they  (the  Indians)  were  evidently 
a  religious  people.  The  Estufas  were  the  scenes  of  their  more 
public  ceremonies  and  special  intercourse  with  the  higher  power. 
Religious  rites  were  of  frequent  observance  among  them  and 
the  •'Cachina,"  their  favorite  dance,  had  a  connection  with 
supernatural  things. ' '  So  says  His  Honor  the  ex-governor  of 
Santa  Fe.  Others,  with  more  reason,  and  even  the  Catholic 
Indians  of  New  Mexico,  say,  that  the  Indians  of  old  were  idola- 
ters and  that  their  ceremonies,  especially  those  practiced  in  the 
Estufas,  were  often  very  indecent  and  always  grossly  supersti- 
tious. As  regards  the  dance  called  Cachina,  we  hold  from  a 
captive  who  has  seen  the  said  dance  and  very  likely  participated 
in  it,  that  it  is  utterly  immoral.     We  suppress  the  name  of  the 


116  Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Colokization'- 

tribe  in  order  not  to  compromise  the  former  captive,  who  in 
fact  is  free  now,  but  prefers  to  remain  with  the  Indians. 

We  abstain  from  quoting  more,  after  Donaldson,  from  the 
vague  criticisms  of  the  work  of  the  missionaries  among  the  In- 
dians. The  opinion  of  Prince  is  that  the  religion  of  the  Indians, 
though  very  far  from  the  truth,  was  intended  to  make  them 
better,  and  for  this  reason,  ought  to  have  been  tolerated  by  the 
priests.  Indeed,  the  religion  of  the  natives  was  not  interfered 
with  by  the  Church  in  the  tribes  which  refused  to  receive  the 
missionaries;  nor  by  the  conquerors,  except  when  it  admitted  of 
human  sacrifices,  as  was  the  case  in  Mexico  at  the  time  of  the 
conquest  by  Cortez.  As  regards  the  destruction  of  the  idols, 
history  says  that  the  same  conqueror  had  it  practiced  in  the 
first  tribe  which  tried  to  stop  his  march.  He  was  blamed  for 
this  act  by  the  priests  who  accompanied  his  expedition  and 
made  to  understand  that  the  first  thing  to  be  done  with  the 
Indians,  before  trying  to  suppress  their  religion,  was  to  instruct 
them  in  the  knowledge  of  the  true  one.  This  was  also  the  iH- 
struction  repeatedly  given  by  the  monarchs  of  Spain  to  the 
soldiers  and  to  the  missionaries  sent  to  this  continent. 

But  what  about  the  Inquisition  ?  Was  it  not  a  Church 
institution  to  force  the  people  to  embrace  and  practice  the 
Catholic  religion  ? 

The  Inquisition  was  a  royal  and  not  a  papal  institution; 
this  is  admitted  by  the  historian  Schroechk,  a  protestant,  and 
others  whose  testimony  must  be  considered  as  impartial.  It 
was  established  in  Spain  by  Ferdinand  and  Ysabella  in  1477, 
not  directly  to  force  the  Catholic  religion  on  anybody,  but  to 
protect  this  religion,  which  was  that  of  the  State,  against  the 
spread  of  heresy  and  apostasy  in  their  dominions.  In  order  to 
prevent  any  unjust  incrimination  in  the  matter  of  injury  done 
to  the  CathoHc  faith,  there  were  two  eminent  theologians  among 
the  members  of  the  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition,  not  to  give  any 
sentence  of  punishment,  but  only  to  state  whether  in  the  case, 
there  had  been  or  not,  matter  for  charge  of  misdemeanor  against 
the  faith.  At  the  request  of  their  Majesties,  the  tribunal  was 
sanctioned  by  Pope  Sixtus  IV.  in  1482,  and  by  Innocent  VIII, 
ill  1485.  on  the  condition  that,  in  matters  of  faith,  the  judges 
instituted  by  the  monarchs,  could  not  act  without  the  partici- 


Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Coloxizatiok.  117 

pation  of  the  bishops.  It  must  be  said  that  the  sentence 
pronounced  by  the  judges,  as  regards  the  punishment  for  the 
crimes  against  the  faith,  could  be  commuted  to  a  milder  one  by 
a  public  retraction  of  the  wrong  committed  by  the  convicted 
person.  • 

Rohrbacher  (i)  quotes  from  De  Maistre,  (L,ettres  a  un 
gentilhomme  russe  sur  1' Inquisition  d'Espagne)  the  following, 
considered  one  of  the  severest  judgments  pronounced  by  the 
ecclesiastical  members  of  the  Royal  Inquisition :  '  'We  have 
declared  and  do  declare  N.  N.  guilty  of  heresy  and  apos- 
tasy and  of  fostering  heretics,  that  for  these  crimes  he  has 
incurred  the  pain  of  excommunication  and  confiscation  of  all 
his  property  to  the  profit  of  the  Royal  Chamber,  and  of  the 
fisc  of  His  Majest}'.  We  declare  moreover  that  the  accused 
must  be  abandoned  to  the  secular  arm  which,  we  request  and 
most  earnesth^  charge  as  best  we  can,  to  deal  with  him  with 
kindness  and  commiseration." 

The  Inquisition  was  established  in  New  Spain,  but,  was 
it  there  as  has  been  represented  by  many  a  writer,  like  a  dread- 
ful nightmare,  which  weighed  on  the  poor  Indians  during  the 
three  hundred  years  of  the  colonial  government  ?  To  this  we 
will  answer  by  the  following  quotation  from  A.  F.  Bandelier : 
(2)  "The  Inquisition  had  no  manner  of  swa^i-  or  jurisdiction 
over  the  American  Indians.  References  to  "Autos  da  Fes"  in 
which  the  Indians  are  represented  as  being  the  victims,  are 
absolutely  untrue,  Not  only  the  laws  of  the  Indies,  but  the 
official  declarations  of  the  Holy  Office  bear  witness  to  this  fact. 
It  never  interfered  nor  was  permitted  to  interfere  in  matter  of 
faith  or  belief  of  the  aborigines. '  * 

Did  this  tribunal  really  make  the  City  of  Mexico  the 
necropolis  of  the  New  World  ?  To  this  query  Father  Gerst, 
the  author  of  "L' Inquisition  au  Mexique,"  as  appeared  in  the 
Etudes  Religieuses,  answers:  "To  these  declarations  we  will 
oppose  stern  figures.  Mr.  Iscazbalceta,  an  honorable  historian, 
who  spent  forty  years  in  researches  of  documents  for  the  his- 
tory of  Mexico,  had  the  good  fortune  to  find,  with  few  excep- 


(1)  Etudes  Relijrieiises,  published  iu  Paris  hy  the  Jesuit  Fathers. 

(2)  Final  report  of  iDvestiga.ion  among  the  Indians  of  the  southwestern  United 
States,  carried  on  mainly  in  the  years  1880-1885.    Part  I. 


118  Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Colonization. 

tions,  the  contemporaneous  relations  of  all  the  "Autos  da  Fes," 
and  these  documents  give,  for  a  period  of  277  years,  from  the 
institution  of  the  office,  until  1795,  a  total  of  forty-one  execu- 
tions to  death  and  of  ninety-nine  condemnations  to  burning 
in  effigy."     (i) 

The  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  was  abolished  in  181 3  by 
the  cortes  with  the  approbation  of  King  Fernando  VII. 

When  the  Indians,  after  having  been  duly  instructed,  em- 
braced the  Catholic  religion,  they  had,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
to  abandon  their  old  superstitions  and  the  practice  of  immoral 
dances,  because  such  abuses  were  inconsistent  with  the  profes- 
sion of  the  Catholic  faith.  As  for  the  other  Indian  amusements, 
which  were  not  indecent,  they  were  tolerated  by  the  mission- 
aries, and  this  is  the  reason  of  the  yet  existing  strange  dances, 
publicly  exhibited  in  all  the  Indian  pueblos,  at  certain  times 
every  year.  There  are  some  others  which  take  place  in  the 
estufas  where  the  public  is  not  admitted.  On  account  of  this 
secrecy,  many  have  been  induced  to  beHeve  that  these  dances 
must  be  unbecoming.  This,  we  will  not  deny,  may  be  the  case 
in  some  instances,  still  if  we  believe  what  we  have  been  told  by 
a  reliable  Indian  from  Jemes,  there  is  at  least  one  exception. 
In  his  pueblo,  he  said,  the  dance  of  the  Estufas  has  nothing 
objectionable,  and  the  only  reason  why  the  public  is  not  ad- 
mitted to  witness  it,  is  the  narrow  space  of  the  room.  The 
man  added  that  twice  the  Indians  had  invited  their  priest,  Rev. 
J.  B.  Mariller,  to  be  present  at  the  performance,  but  that  he 
declined  the  invitation  on  account  of  his  occupations,  as  it  was 
during  Holy  Week.  The  priest  does  not  contradict  the  testi- 
mony. 

For  the  benefit  of  all  men  prejudiced  against  the  Church  in 
regard  to  the  extension  of  the  Catholic  religion  in  the  Spanish 
colonies  of  America,  we  take  pleasure  in  quoting  from  "The 
Christian  Missions"  of  T.  W.  M.  Marshal,  some  opinions  of 
fair  minded  Protestant  writers  on  the  work  of  the  missionaries 
among  the  Indians : 


(1)  Just  after  writing  the  above  quotation,  December  28, 1894,  we  learn  from 
the  papers  that  the  good  Catholic  and  great  historian,  Joaquin  Garcia  Iscazbalceta, 
died  in  Mexico  a  few  weeks  before. 


Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Colonization.  119 

"The  Roman  Catholic  clergy  in  America,"  says  Robertson, 
"  uniformly  exerted  their  influence  to  protect  the  Indians  and  to 
moderate  the  ferocit)'  of  their  countrj^men. ' ' 

"We  must  express  our  admiration  for  the  exalted  piet}'  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  missionaries,  who,  in  these  countries  in- 
habited by  human  beings  in  the  lowest  state  of  degradation, 
endured  poverty  and  misery  in  all  forms,  to  win  the  Indians  to 
better  habits  and  purer  faith."      (Berthold  Seamann. ) 

"The  learned  and  thoughtful  men,  for  such  the  monks  and 
ecclesiastics  must  be  held  to  be  *  *  *  are  steadily  arrayed 
against  the  more  conquering  soldiers."      (Helps.) 

"It  was  the  missionaries,"  as  writes  Mr.  Marshal,  "who 
obtained  from  the  H0I3'  See  the  menace  of  excommunication 
against  the  selfish  oppressors  of  the  Indians,  and  from  the  royal 
authority  such  decrees  as  the  following  :  'That  no  Indian 
should  carry  any  burdens  against  his  will,  whether  he  was  paid 
for  it  or  not';  that,  'when  they  (the  Indians)  were  sent  to  the 
mines,  they  were  to  be  provided  with  clergy  there' ;  that  'their 
protectors  should  cause  that  the  Indians  be  well  treated  and 
taught  in  secular  things  and  instructed  in  the  articles  of  the 
Holy  Catholic  Faith.'" 

*'The  clergy,"  sa^'S  also  the  careful  and  conscientious  his- 
torian Helps,  "not  only  taught  spiritual  things  but  temporal 
also. ' ' 

"The  name  of  California  is  forever  united  with  the  un- 
selfish devotion  of  the  Franciscan  Fathers."  (Berthold  Sea- 
mann. ) 

'  'The  Jesuits  who  had  preceeded  the  Franciscans, ' '  observes 
Sir  George  Simpson,  "had  covered  the  sterile  rocks  of  Cali- 
fornia with  the  monuments,  agricultural,  architectural  and 
economical,  of  their  patience  and  aptitude. ' ' 

"Sometimes,"  as  remarks  Mr.  Marshal,  "the  civil  au- 
thorities tried  to  obtain  from  the  government  orders  to  hinder 
the  influence  of  the  missionaries  in  protecting  the  Indians 
against  excessive  work,  but  they  failed  in  their  attempts.  The 
wish  of  the  government  was  alwa^^s  that  the  natives  should  be 
fairly  treated  and  protected  against  any  kind  of  oppression." 

"On  the  other  hand,"  as  observes  the  same  author,  "nota- 
ble examples  are  found  of  active  and  generous  co-operation 


120  Remarks  ox  the  Period  of  Colontzatiom, 

with  the  clergy  on  the  part  of  the  lay  auditors  of  Mexico.  In 
1 53 1,  when  there  were  only  a  hundred  Dominicans  and  Fran- 
ciscans in  the  whole  country,  the  Auditor  sent  to  the  Emperor 
a  petition  for  more  monks,  'being  doubtless,'  says  Helps,  'of 
the  same  mind  with  a  subsequent  viceroy,  who,  when  there 
was  much  question  of  building  forts  throughout  the  country, 
replied  that  towers  with  soldiers  were  dens  of  thieves,  but  that 
convents  with  monks  were  as  good  as  walls  and  castles  for 
keeping  the  Indians  in  subjection.'  " 

But  we  may  be  asked  in  addition,  what  was  the  work  of 
the  monks  besides  instructing  the  Indians  in  the  Catholic  doc- 
trine, and  protecting  them  against  their  oppressors  ?  A  noble 
work  they  did,  which  ought  to  be  recorded  in  golden  letters  for 
those,  who  so  often  charge  the  Church  with  trying  to  keep 
nations  in  ignorance.  This,  at  least,  was  not  the  case  in 
Mexico,  as  we  see  that  as  early  as  in  1524,  one  of  those  "lazy" 
monks.  Fray  Pedro  de  Gante,  says  Lummis,  had  founded  in 
Mexico  the  first  schools  in  the  New  World.  "If  Mexico  had 
printing  presses  before  any  other  American  city,  it  was  owing 
to  the  initiative  of  our  fanatic  (?)  missionaries.  In  their  anxiety 
to  spread  instruction  among  the  natives,  Fray  Juan  de  Zumar- 
raga,  the  first  bishop  of  Mexico  and  his  colleagues  in  the 
episcopate,  spared  no  expense  to  procure  typographers  from 
Europe.  It  was  then  that  the  celebrated  Juan  Cromberger 
sent  Juan  Pablos  with  a  complete  outfit  to  found  here  a  branch  of 
the  house  of  Sevilla,  to  publish  doctrinal  and  scientific  works. 
In  1538  and  probably  the  year  before,  the  presses  were  in  full 
operation.  In  1540  we  see  them  installed  in  a  house  of  the 
Archbishop,  and  from  this  date  they  put  in  circulation  a  series 
of  valuable  books  in  the  language  of  the  Indians. "     ( i ) 

We  quote  again  from  the  book  of  Lummis  already  men- 
tioned :  '  'The  most  striking  thing  of  all  as  showing  the  schol- 
arly attitude  of  the  Spaniards  towards  the  new  continents,  was 
a  result  entirely  unique.  Not  only  did  their  intellectual  activity 
breed  among  themselves  a  galaxy  of  eminent  writers,  but  in  a 
very  few  years,  there  was  a  school  of  important  Indian  authors. 
It  would  be  an  irreparable  loss  to  knowledge  of  the  true  history 

(1)    Translated  from  "The  Etudes  Religieuses"  published  in  Paris  by  the  Jesuit 
Fathers.    Vol.  xliii.,  March  1888. 


XXIII.     Right  Rev.  J.  P.   Machebeuf,  D.   D. 

First  Bishop  of  Denver,  Col. 


Remarks  on  the  Period  of  Colonization.  121 

of  America,  if  we  were  to  lose  the  chronicles  of  such  Indian 
writers  as  Tezozomoc,  Cumargo  and  Pomar,  in  Mexico  ;  Juan 
de  Santa  Cruz,  Pachacuti,  Yamqui,  Salcamayhua  in  Peru,  and 
many  others  ;  and  what  a  gain  to  science  if  we  had  taken  pains 
to  raise  up  our  own  aborigines  to  such  helpfulness  to  themselves 
and  to  human  knowledge." 

{■3)      The  Greediness  of  the  Spaniards  for  Gold  and  Riches. 

In  regard  to  the  greediness  of  the  Spaniards  for  gold  and 
riches,  we  will  only  saj'  that  this  wish,  if  not  pushed  too  far, 
does  not  constitute  matter  for  any  blame,  unless  we  condemn 
all  the  men  who,  by  honest  work  and  industry,  are  trjdng  to 
better  their  condition  in  this  world.  But  however  it  may  have 
been  wnth  the  Spaniards  in  their  colonies,  we  cannot  deny  that 
their  thirst  for  gold  had  a  good  result,  namely  the  exploration 
of  the  western  part  of  this  continent  and  the  introduction  of 
civilization  in  it  at  an  early  date. 

We  close  the  remarks  against  the  unjust  accusations  so 
lavishly  heaped  by  many  writers  on  the  government  of  Spain 
in  the  colonies,  with  another  quotation  from  I^ummis  :  "The 
statements  of  close  historians  that  the  Spaniards  enslaved  the 
Pueblos  or  any  other  Indians  of  New  Mexico  ;  that  they  forced 
them  to  choose  between  Christianity  and  death  ;  that  they  made 
them  w^ork  in  the  mines  and  the  like,  are  all  entire!}^  untrue. 
The  whole  policy  of  Spain  toward  the  Indians  of  the  New 
World,  w^as  one  of  humanity,  justice,  education  and  moral 
suasion  ;  and,  though  chefe  were,  of  course,  individual  Spaniards 
who  broke  the  strict  laws  of  their  country  as  to  the  treatment 
of  the  Indians,  they  were  duly  punished  therefor. ' ' 


*8 


CHAPTER  Xiri. 

Priests  who  Worked  in  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico. 

{1)  Names  of  the  Priests  toho  Worked  in  the  Missions  of  New 
Mexico  from  15^0,  when  this  Country  was  Explored  hy 
Coronado,  to  1821^  the  Date  of  the  Mexican  Independence. 

The  list  we  give  of  the  names  of  the  venerable  mission- 
aries who  preached  the  gospel  in  New  Mexico,  is  far  from  be- 
ing complete,  as  all  the  church  documents,  from  the  establish- 
ment of  the  missions  to  the  year  i68i  were  destroyed  in  the 
general  revolt  of  the  pueblos  in  i68o.  As  regards  the  remain- 
ing period  of  time  until  the  fall  of  Spanish  rule  in  Mexico,  we 
must  say  that  we  have  not,  thus  far,  been  able  to  explore  all 
the  records  yet  in  existence  in  the  chyrches,  and  consequently 
many  names  of  the  missionaries  of  our  country  will  remain  un- 
mentioned  in  the  pages  of  these  notes,  until  a  more  complete 
investigation.  This  list,  however,  gives  us  a  pretty  fair  idea 
of  how  numerous  must  have  been  the  phalanx  of  the  brave 
soldiers  of  the  Cross,  the  zealous  Sons  of  St.  Francis,  who  fol- 
lowed and  many  times  outstepped,  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona, 
the  march  of  the  valorous  Spanish  Conquistadores.  The  sol- 
dier looked  to  the  conquest  of  lands  and  peoples  for  his  king, 
and  the  missionary  to  the  conquest  of  souls  for  heaven.  Both 
advanced,  now  together  and  then  apart  from  each  other,  but 
both  always  facing  to  the  right  point,  though  with  different 
views  and  dififerently  equipped.  The  soldier  brilliantly  clad, 
mounted  on  his  steed,  with  spear  in  hand  to  fight  the  Indian 


Priests  who  Worked  in  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico.        123 

if  need  be  ;  and  the  missionar^^,  dressed  in  the  poor  habit  of  his 
Order,  walking  on  foot  and  bearing  the  cross,  to  console  the 
conquered  native,  and  to  show  him  that  there  was  One  who 
had  suffered  before  him  and  for  him,  in  order  to  win  his  heart 
and  to  make  him  happy  in  another  world. 

1540:  (i)  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza.  {2)  Fray  Juan  de 
Padilla  and  Brother  L,ouis  de  Escalona.  (Expedition  of  Coro- 
nado. ) 

1581  :  (3)  Fray  Francisco  Eopez.  (4)  Fray  Juan  de 
SJinta  Maria,  Brother  Agustin  Ruiz.     (Ruiz  expedition. ) 

15S2:  (5)  Fray  Bernardino  Beltran.  (Espejo's  expedi- 
tion. ) 

1596:  (6)  Fray  Alonzo  Martinez.  (7)  Fray  Francisco 
de  San  Miguel.  (8)  Fray  Francisco  de  Zamorro.  (9)  Fray 
Juan  de  Rosas.  (10)  Fray  Alonzo  de  Lugo,  fii)  Fray  An- 
dres Corchado.  (12)  Fray  Juan  Claros.  (13)  Fray  Cristobal 
Salazar,  Brothers  Pedro  de  Vergara  and  Juan  de  Buenaventura. 
{ Juan  de  Oiiate's  expedition.) 

1608:     (16)   Fray  Juan  Ramirez. 

1629  :      (17)   Fray  Zarate  Salmeron. 

1632  :     (18)   Fray  Juan  Eetrado,  Fray  Martin  Arbide. 

1678-80:  (Otermin  being  governor  of  the  province.) 
^19)  Fray  Juan  de  Jesus  Morador.  (20)  Fray  Cristobal  Fig- 
iieroa.  (21)  Fray  Albido  Maldonado.  (22)  Fray  Juan  Mora. 
(23)  Fray  Juan  Eorenzo  Analiza.  (24)  Fra^'^  Juan  de  Jesus 
Espinosa.      (25)   Fray  Sebastian  Calzada. 

1681  :  (26)  Fray  Francisco  Gomez  de  la  Cadena.  (27) 
Fray  Andres  Duran.  (28)  Fray  Francisco  Far  fan.  (29)  Fray 
N.  Ayeta.  (30)  Fray  Juan  de  Vallada.  (31)  Fray  Jesus  de 
Eombardi.  (32)  Fray  N.  N.,  (his  title)  Procurador.  (33) 
Fray  Juan  de  Jesus. 

1692:  (Vargas  being  governor. )  (34)  Fray  Francisco 
Corvera.  (35)  Fray  Miguel  Muiiis.  (36)  Fray  Cristobal  Alonzo 
Barroso. 

1698:  (37)  Fray  Salvador  de  San  Antonio.  (38)  Fra^^Juan 
de  Zavaleta.  (39)  Fray  Francisco  Jesus  Maria.  (40)  Fray 
Juan  de  Alpuente.  (41)  Fray  Juan  Muilos  de  Castro.  (42) 
Fray  Juan  Daza.  (43)  Fray  Jose  Dies.  (44)  Fra^^  Antonio 
Carbonel.      (45)   Fray  Geronimo  Prieto.      (46)   Fray  Juan  An- 


124         Priests  ^ho  "Worked  ix  the  Mission's  or  Xe^  Mexico- 


tonio  de  Corral.  (47)  Fray  Antonio  Vahomonde.  (48)  Fray 
Antonio  Obregon.  (49)  Fray  Domingo  de  Jesus  Maria.  (50) 
Fray  Buenaventura  Con treras.  (51)  Fray  Jose  Navares  Vel- 
arde.     (52)   Fray  Diego  Zeinos. 

1694:  (53)  Fray  Francisco  Vargas.  (54)  Fray  Antonio 
Morino.  (55)  Fray  Jose  Garcia  Marin.  (56)  Fray  Miguel 
Tirso.  (57)  Fray  Antonio  Azevedo.  (58)  Fray  Jose  Arvizu. 
(59)  Fray  Juan  de  la  Pefia. 

From  this  date  we  give  the  names  of  the  priests  alphabeti- 
cally, omitting  the  time  of  their  arrival  in  this  country. 


60. 
61. 
62. 

63- 
64. 

65. 
66. 

67. 
68. 
69. 
70. 

71- 
72. 

73- 
74- 
75- 
76. 

77- 
78. 

79- 
80. 
81. 
82. 

83- 

84. 

85. 
86. 
87. 


90. 

91- 
92. 

93- 
94 


Fray  Alvares  Cristobal. 

F.  Aumatel  Estevan. 

F.  de  Arros  Antonio. 

F.  de  Arros  Domingo. 

F.  de  Arrenguas  Jose. 

F.  Aparicio  Antonio. 

F.  Alvarez  Juan. 

F.  Alvarez  Francisco. 

F.  Arivala  Lucas. 

F.  de  Abadiano  Manuel. 

F.  Alvarez  Sebastian. 

F.  Aguilar  Pedro. 

F.  Anton  Sebastian. 

F.  Alcina  Teodoro. 

F.  A.  Francisco  de  Jesus. 

F.  B.  Francisco  Manuel. 

F.  Brisuela  Antonio. 

F.  Bermejo  Juan. 

F.  Benavides  Rafael. 

F.  B.  de  la  Parra  Francisco. 

F.  Brotone  Francisco. 

F.  Burgos  Joseph. 

F.  Barcenilla  Isidoro. 

F.  Camargo  Antonio. 

F.  Corral  Jose. 

F.  Caballero  Antonio. 

F.  de  la  Cruz  Murciano. 

F.  Cellar  Patricio. 

F.  de  Castro  Jose. 

F.  Correa  Andres. 

F.  Chabarria  Francisco. 

F.  deSta.  Cruz  M.Antonio. 

F.  de  Colina  Agustin. 

F.  Claramonte  Andres. 

F.  C.  Redondo  Francisco. 


F.  Chabarria  Diego. 
F.  Campos  Miguel. 
F.  Celis  Juan  Antonio. 
F.  Castro  Juan  Joseph. 
F.  Diez  de  Aguilar  Pedro, 

F.  Dominguez  Antonio. 

F.  D.  Francisco  Xavier. 

F.  Dronzoso  Joseph. 

F.  Delgado  Carlos. 

F.  de  Eguir  Joseph. 

F.  E.  Diego  de  los  Monteros. 

F.  Esparagosa  N. 

F.  F.  de  Sierra  Santiago. 

F.  Farfan  Francisco. 

F.  Fernandez  Sebastian. 

F.  Flores  Manuel, 

F.  Gavaldon  Antonio. 

F.  Guerrera  Antonio. 

F.  Gonzales  Francisco. 

F.  Gonzales  Manuel. 

F.  Garcia  Andres. 

F.  Garcia  Angel. 

F.  Garcia  Jose. 

F.  Gusman  N. 

F.  Gonzales  Jacinto. 

F.  Gravino  Joseph. 

F.  Guerra  Ambrosio. 

F.  Gonzales  Ramon. 

F.  Garaycoechea  N. 

24.  F.  Gomez  Caynola  N. 

25.  F.  Hernandez  Jose. 

26.  F.  Hossio  Francisco. 

27.  F.  Hernandez  Juan. 

28.  F.  de  Haro  Joseph. 

29.  F.  Hernandez  J.  Bautista. 


95- 
96. 

97- 
98. 
99. 

00. 

01. 

02. 

03- 
04. 

05- 

06. 

07. 

08. 

09. 
o. 
I. 
2. 
3- 
4- 
5- 
6. 

7- 
8. 

9- 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23 


Priests  who  "Worked  in  the  Missions  of  ^Xew  Mexico.        125 


130. 

131- 
132. 

133- 
134- 
135- 
136. 

137- 
138. 

139- 
140. 
141. 
142. 

143- 
144. 

145- 
146. 

147. 
148. 
149. 
150. 

151- 
152. 
153- 
154- 
155- 
156. 
157- 
158. 
T59- 
160. 
161. 
162. 
163. 
164. 


165. 
166. 
167. 
168. 
169. 
170. 
171. 
172. 

^73- 
174. 


F.  Hernandez  Juan  Jose.    175. 

F,  Hermida  Buenaventura  176. 

F.  Irizabal  Francisco.  177. 

F.  de  Ibares  Antonio.  178. 

F.  Irigoiii  J.  Nepomuceno.  179. 

F.  Irigoin  N.  180. 

F.  de  Inojosa  Juan.  181. 

F.  Iniesta  Augustin.  182. 

F.  Junco  y  Juncoso.  183. 

F.  Laboreria  Pedro.  184. 

F.  Llanos  Juan  Jose.  185. 

F.  de  Lesoun  N.  186. 

F.  Lopez  Salvador.  187. 

F.  Lerchundi  Francisco.     188. 

F.  de  Lago  Gabriel.  189. 

F.  de  Linan  Geronimo.       190. 

F.  Lerchundi  Bravo  N.      191. 

F.  Moreno  Manuel.  192. 

F.  Medrano  Jose.  193. 

F.  Memo  Bueno  N.  194. 

F.  Mufios  Jurado  Diego.      195. 

F.  Mingnez  Juan.  196. 

F.  Miranda  Antonio.  197. 

F.  Miraval  Jose.  198. 

F.  de  Matha  Juan.  199. 

F.deM.Estanislao  Mariano20o. 

F.  Martinez  Diego.  201. 

F.  M Ontario  Pedro.  202. 

F.  Mestas  Antonio.  203. 

F.  Mignagori  Manuel.        204. 

F.  Martinez  de  la  Vega  N.  205. 

F.  Miguel  N.  206. 

F.  Mestas  Agustin.  207. 

F.  Monchero  Juan  Miguel.  208. 

F.  Moreno  Antonio  and  209. 
two  more  whose  names  210. 
are  not  given.  211. 

F.  Noriega  Jose.  212. 

F.  Orquera  Pedro  Antonio  213. 

F.  Oliden  Gregorio.  214. 

F.  de  Ortega  Jose  Vivian.  215. 

F.  Ortiz  Rafael.  216. 

F.  de  Otero  Cayetano.        217. 

F.  Orongoroso  Joseph.        218. 

F.  Oleata  Joseph.  219. 

F.  Obregon  Antonio.  220. 

F.  Padilla  Diego.  221. 


F.  Palacios  Jose. 

F.  de  la  Prada  Jose, 

F.  Patero  Severo. 

F.  de  la  Peiia  Francisco> 

F.  del  Pino  Juan. 

F.  de  la  Pena  Manuel. 

F.  Padilla  Juan  Jose. 

F.  Pino  Ignacio. 

F.   P.  Francisco  Antonia 

F.  Perez  Miraval  Joseph. 

F.  PerejTO  Jose. 

F.  dela  Pena  J.  Francisco^ 

F.  del  Pino  George. 

F.  Parral  Joseph. 

F.  Pino  Pedro  Ignacio. 

F.  Polanco  Jose  Antonio. 

F.  de  la  Quintana  Gabriel. 

F.  RoA'bal  Santiago. 

F.  Roy  Manuel. 

F.  Rodriguez  Joseph. 

F.  Rod  de  laT  orreMariano 

F.  Rubi  Joseph. 

F.  Rosete  Mariano. 

F.  Rodriguez  Jose. 

F.  Rodriguez  Ildefonzo. 

F.  Rodriguez  Joaquin. 

F.  Romero  Francisco. 

F.  Ruiz  Joaquin  de  Jesus* 

F.  Sanchez  Juan  Antonio. 

F.  Saldivar  Mariano. 

F.  Sospedra  Pascual. 

F.  Sanchez  Juan. 

F.  S.  Leraun  Buenaventura 

F.  S.  Vergara  Mariano. 

F.  Trigo  Nepomuceno. 

F.  Toledo  Joseph. 

F.  de  Tagle  Juan. 

F.  Trevino  Joseph. 

F.  Torres  Jose  Antonio. 

F.  Urquijo  Joseph. 

F.  Varo  Andres. 

F.  Vermejo  Juan. 

F.  Villa  Nueva  Andres. 

F.  Veles  de  Escalaute. 

F.  Silvestre. 

F.  Vega  Manuel. 

F.  Velasco  Carlos. 


126 


Priests  who  Worked  i.v  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico. 


F.  Zenallos  Andres. 

F.  Zamora  Antonio. 

F.  Zavaleta  Juan. 

F.  de  Zando  Juan. 

F.  Zambrano  Manuel. 

F.  Zeprano  Francisco. 

F.  Zardo  Jose. 

F.  Zeinos  Diego. 
Total  239  priests  (brothers  not  being  counted.) 
Of  these    priests,  thirty-two  were  killed  by  the  Indians, 
namely  : 


222. 

F. 

de  Vera  Joseph. 

230, 

223. 

F. 

Xardon  Joseph. 

231, 

224. 

F. 

Xeres  Joaquin. 

232. 

225. 

F. 

Ximenes  Francisco. 

233- 

226. 

F. 

Ximenes  Alonzo. 

234. 

227. 

F. 

Zarte  Francisco. 

235- 

228. 

F. 

Yrizabal  Francisco. 

236. 

229. 

F. 

Zepeda  Miguel. 

237- 

i . 

Fray  Juan  de  Padilla. 

17- 

F.  (his  title)  Procurador. 

2. 

Brother  lyouis  de  Escalona. 

18. 

F.  Juan  de  Jesus. 

3- 

F.  Francisco  Lopez. 

19. 

F.  Francisco  Corvera. 

4- 

F.  de  Santa  Maria. 

20. 

F.  Juan  de  Alpuante. 

5- 

Brother  Agustin  Ruiz. 

21. 

F.  Antonio  Carbonel. 

6. 

F.  Juan  Petredo. 

22. 

F.  Antonio  Morino. 

7- 

Martin  de  Arbide. 

23- 

F.  Juan  Arvisu. 

8. 

F.  Juan  de  Jesus  Morador. 

24. 

F.  Fran,  de  Jesus  Abundo. 

9- 

F.  Cristobal  Figueroa. 

25- 

F.  Antonio  Moreno. 

10 

.  F.  Albino  Maldonado. 

26. 

F.  Juan  del  Val. 

II 

.  F.  Juan  de  Mora. 

27. 

F.  Jose  Trujillo. 

12 

.  F.  Juan  Lorenzo  Analiza. 

28. 

F.  Jose  Espeleta. 

13 

.  F.  Juan  de  Jesus  Espinosa. 

29. 

F.  Agustin  de  Santa  Maria. 

14 

.  F.  Sebastian  Calzado. 

30. 

F.  Louis  de  Baesa  and  two 

15 

.  F.  Juan  de  Vallada. 

whose     names     are    not 

16 

.  F.  Juan  de  Eombardi. 

given. 

(2)  How  Did  the  Missionaries  Introduce  Themselves  in  the 
Tribes  to  Establish  Missions  for  Them  ? 
As  we  have  stated  before,  the  Catholic  religion  was  not 
forced  on  the  Indians.  The  first  step  to  be  made  by  the  mis- 
sionary for  the  conversion  of  the  natives  was  to  introduce 
himself,  cross  in  hand,  and  to  explain  as  well  as  he  could, 
the  meaning  of  this  sign.  The  priest  alone  in  the  tribes,  and 
far  from  the  soldiers  was,  as  a  rule,  received  without  any  sus- 
picion of  bad  intentions,  and  surrounded,  almost  generally,  by 
people  eager  to  catch  the  ideas  he  tried  to  convey  to  them.  As 
we  gather  from  the  '  'Cronica  Serafica  del  Colegio  de  Santa 
Cruz  de  Queretaro, "  a  work  already  mentioned  in  these  pages, 
the  first  labor  of  the  missionary  among  the  natives  of  the  New 
World  was  reall^^  a  tedious  one.  He  could  not  learn  the  lan- 
guage  of  the   tribe   by   study,    as   this    language,    generally 


-Priests  "Who  Worked  in  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico.        127 

different  from  place  to  place,  was  not  written,  but  had  to  be 
learned  by  practice  alone,  and  this  required  time.  Meanwhile 
preaching  was  given  by  the  use  of  signs  and  pictures. 

First  of  all,  the  naked  cross  was  planted  as  the  symbol  oi 
peace  and  salvation,  before  it  knelt  the  missionary,  crossing 
himself  with  his  hand  and  inviting  the  persons  around 
to  do  the  same ;  this  is  also  what  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and 
his  companions  did  during  their  long  journeying  in  1528, 
through  the  country  we  now  call  the  United  States  of  North 
America,  and  Fernando  Alarcon  among  the  Indian  tribes  of 
the  Colorado  river  in  1540.  After  paying  veneration  to  the 
sign  of  the  redemption  of  the  world,  the  priest  would  unroll 
some  paintings  representing  the  mysteries  of  the  Catholic  faith, 
and  conclude  by  the  singing  of  some  short  Christian  prayers  in 
order  to  impress  them  on  the  memory  of  his  hearers.  If  the 
Indians  manifested  a  desire  to  keep  the  priest  among  them- 
selves, and  have  him  to  repeat  his  religious  representations,  he 
of  course,  very  willingly  acquiesced  in  their  wish  and  remained, 
trying  to  learn  their  language  and  making  himself  all  to  all,  as 
the  Apostle  says,  to  conquer  souls  for  heaven. 

As  soon  as  the  missionary  could  master  the  language  suffi- 
ciently to  make  himself  understood  and  perform  the  functions 
of  the  sacred  ministry  among  the  aborigines,  he  would  think  of 
building  his  church  or  chapel,  and  this  was  the  establishing  of 
the  mission. 

Each  mission,  from  the  day  it  was  founded,  depended  for 
its  government  on  the  nearest  "Custodio,"  Guardian  or  Super- 
ior of  a  mission  alread^^  provided  with  several  priests,  forming 
a  community  according  to  the  rules  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis. 
The  first  "Custodio"  for  the  missions  of  New  Mexico  or  the 
province  of  San  Francisco,  was  established  at  El  Paso  del  Norte, 
now  "Villa  Juarez,"  where  it  remained  until  Santa  Fe  was 
founded  and  made  the  capital  of  the  province,  with  its  own 
Custodio.  To  the  Custodio  it  belonged  to  appoint  priests  to 
the  different  missions,  and  his  duty  it  was  to  help  them  in  their 
difficulties,  and  to  correspond  with  the  Mother  House  of  the 
Order  at  Mexico,  to  secure  the  annuity  made  by  the  govern- 
ment to  ever^^  missionary,  and  to  forward  it  to  whom  it  was 
due.     The  annuity  which  at  first  was  $150,   was,  says  Lummis, 


12S        Priests  Who  "Worked  in"  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico, 

raised  in  1665  to  $330,  payable  every  three  years.  Out  of  this 
small  amount  the  priest  had  to  defray  all  the  expenses  of  him- 
self and  his  church  and,  not  unfrequently,  to  save  as  much  as 
possible  of  it,  to  give  to  the  Indians  and  attract  them  to  his 
instructions. 

It  was  also  from  the  Custodio  that  the  missions  were  visited 
at  stated  times  either  by  the  Superior,  or  by  some  other  relig- 
ious by  him  appointed  for  this  office.  Records  of  these  visits 
and  of  the  royal  mandates  which  referred  to  the  temporal  ad- 
ministration of  the  Indians,  were  kept  in  the  missions,  as  can 
be  seen  yet  by  their  books. 

Besides  the  visits  the  missionaries  received  from  their 
Superior,  thej^  had  also  those  of  the  bishops  of  Durango,  who 
had  jurisdiction  over  all  the  missions  of  New  Mexico.  We  see 
in  the  Church  records  that  the  province  of  New  Mexico  received 
the  pastoral  visitation  of  the  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  Martin  Elizacochea 
in  the  year  1737,  and  in  1760  that  of  his  successor  the  Rt.  Rev- 
Pedro  Tamaron.  The  former  prelate,  as  stated  in  the  records 
of  the  mission  of  Acoma,  confirmed  325  persons  in  that  mission, 
and  the  latter  545,  which  shows  a  good  rate  of  increase  of  popu- 
lation for  a  comparatively  short  length  of  time. 

In  1 81 7  the  province  was  visited  by  order  of  the  bishop  of 
Durango,  Juan  Francisco  de  Castaniza,  by  his  Vicar  General, 
J.  B.  Ladron  del  Nino  de  Guevarra.  The  Very  Rev.  Visitor 
sent  a  petition  to  his  Bishop  for  at  least  ten  good  priests,  five 
for  the  missions  of  El  Paso,  and  the  same  number  for  those  of 
New  Mexico,  which  needed  priests  at  Belen,  Abiquiu,  Taos 
and  San  Juan.  He  asked  also  that  the  limits  of  the  missions 
should  be  positively  determined  and  all  the  churches  provided 
with  secular  priests,  in  which  petition  he  was  supported  by 
Bonavia,  the  Comandante  General  of  the  province. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  Work  of  the  Missionaries  in  What  is  Now  Arizona 
During  the  Period  of  Colonization. 

(1)     Explorations. 

The  Franciscan  Fathers  were  the  first  missionaries  who 
trod  the  soil  of  the  country  now  called  Arizona,  in  its  full 
length  from  south  to  northwest.  Two  of  these  religious,  Fray- 
Juan  de  la  Asuncion  and  Fray  Pedro  Nadal,  whose  names  we 
have  given  before,  left  Mexico  in  January  of  1538,  by  commis- 
sion of  the  Viceroy,  and  went  as  far  as  a  large  river  which  they 
could  not  cross.  There  Fray  Pedro  Nadal  took  the  latitude 
and  found  it  to  be  thirt>^-five  degrees.  The  next  year,  1539, 
Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  with  three  other  religious  joined  the 
military'  expedition,  as  we  read  in  the  Cronica  Serafica  of  the 
college  of  Queretaro,  already  mentioned,  and  traveling  north 
some  600  leagues,  arrived  at  the  same  river,  which  they  called 
the  "Rio  de  las  Balsas,"  the  river  of  the  rafts,  on  account  of 
the  floating  apparatus  on  which  the  Indians  used  to  cross  it.  The 
same  author  adds  that  this  river  had  been  called  since  the  "Rio 
Colorado.' '  The  latitude  as  they  found  it  was  thirty-four  and  a 
half  degrees.  Nobody  will  doubt  the  identity'  of  the  river  on 
account  of  the  difference  of  latitude  between  the  two  experi- 
ments, which  can  be  accounted  for  by  the  diSerence  of  the  in- 
struments of  that  time  and  those  of  our  day,  as  regards 
precision.  Another  proof  of  that  identity  is  that  the  Fathers, 
on  both  occasions,  found  the  same  Indians,  the  Alquedunes, 
perhaps  the  same  as  those  we  call  now  the  Algodones,  who,  in 

9 


130  WOBK   OF  THE  MlSSIOXARIES   FN'  ArIZON'A, 

1780  yet  lived  at  the  junction  of  the  Gila  with  the  Colorado' 
river.  As  to  the  time  the  Franciscan  Fathers  remained  on  the 
Colorado,  nothing  is  said,  and  this  would,  it  seems,  convey  the 
idea  that  they  had  come  first  to  see  the  country,  and  ascertain 
whether  the  time  had  come  for  the  establishment  of  missions- 
among  its  inhabitants. 

{S)     The  Jesuit  Missionaries. 

Soon  after  establishing  themselves  in  Mexico,  as  we 
extract  from  the  book  of  the  priest  Jose  Ortega  ( i ) ,  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  extended  progressive^  their  missionary  labors  into  the 
vast  extension  of  New  Spain.  At  the  request  of  the  governor 
of  Durango,  whose  jurisdiction  extended  over  Nueva  Biscaya, 
some  of  the  Fathers  came  to  that  province  in  1590  and  fixed 
their  residence  in  the  city  of  Sinaloa,  and  commenced  to  preach. 
From  Sinaloa  they  enlarged  the  field  of  their  apostolic  work  as 
far  as  the  Ma3''o  and  Yaqui  rivers  and  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of 
California.  Such  was  their  success  at  converting  the  Indian 
tribes,  that  in  less  than  fifty  years,  they  could  commence  to 
evangelize  the  Indians  living  in  the  valley  of  the  Sonora  river. 
In  1 68 1,  Father  Eusebio  Kino  was  commissioned  b}'  his 
superiors  to  work  for  the  conversion  of  the  tribes  living  in  the 
northern  portion  of  the  province  of  Sonora  which,  according  to 
the  author  of  the  Rudo  Ensa^^o  ( 2 )  was  designated  bj'  the  name 
of  Pimeria  Alta.  It  comprised  all  the  Indians  who  lived  north 
of  a  conventional  line  running  from  east  to  west  from  Cucurpe 
to  Caborca,  and  to  the  western  sea,  in  all  the  extent  of  the  land 
which  is  embraced  by  this  line,  and  the  rivers  Gila  and  Colo- 
rado. The  name  Pimeria  Alta  was  used  in  the  history  of  the 
missions  in  opposition  to  Pimeria  Baja,  which  name  designated 
the  tribes  Uving  in  the  southern  part  of  the  province. 

With  the  help  of  two  other  Fathers,  adds  Padre 
Ortega,  Father  Kino  commenced  to  work  in  the  field  assigned 
to  his  care.  The  first  mission  he  founded  was  that  of  Dolores, 
the  second  that  of  Caborca,  with  the  name  of  San  Ignacio,  the 


(1)  Historia  del  Nayarit,  Sonora,  Sinaloa  y  ambas  Californias,  published  ini 
Mexico  in  1887. 

(2)  Rudo  Ensayo,  o  descripcion  geografica  de  la  Provincia  de  Sonora.  The 
book,  which  bears  no  author's  name,  was  written  by  one  of  the  Fathers,  probably  a 
visitor  of  the  missions  in  1761  or  1762. 


Work  of  the  Missionaries  in  Arizona.  131 

third  of  Imuris,  with  the  name  of  San  Jose,  the  fourth  that  of 
Los  Remedios  at  a  short  distance  of  the  preceding.  This  was 
done  in  1687.  From  Dolores  the  Fathers  attended  to  two  other 
pueblos,  from  San  Ignacio  de  Caborca  to  two  pueblos  also,  from 
Tubutama  to  nine  pueblos,  from  Santa  Maria  Suanca,  the 
Fathers  extended  their  visits  to  the  Sobahipuris,  and  later  on 
to  Guevavi  and  San  Xavier  del  Bac. 

In  1690  Father  Kino  had  already  established  several  other 
missions,  which  were  visited  at  the  same  epoch  by  Father  Juan 
Maria  Salvatierras,  who  had  been  sent  by  his  superiors  as  Visi- 
tor General.  These  two  missionaries,  says  Francisco  Velasco 
( I ) ,  were  followed  by  Indians  asking  to  be  instructed  and  ad- 
mitted as  members  of  the  Catholic  religion.  Among  them 
were  the  Sobahipuris,  who  lived  on  the  San  Pedro,  and  had 
come  over  a  distance  of  200  miles  to  ask  the  priests  to  follow 
them  to  the  place  called  Guevavi,  where  they  had  their  villages. 
Their  petition  was  granted.  The  missionaries  followed  them 
and  founded  for  their  tribe  a  mission  which  was  given  the 
name  of  the  place.  This  mission,  now  abandoned  for  a  long 
time,  was  the  first  established  on  the  soil  of  Arizona.  It  is  in 
the  same  region  that  the  missions  of  Tumacacuri  and  San 
Xavier  del  Bac  were  subsequently  founded,  along  the  course 
of  the  Santa  Cruz  river.  According  to  the  Rt.  Rev.  Thomas 
O' Gorman,  (2)  the  church  of  Guevavi  and  that  of  San  Xavier 
del  Bac  would  have  been  built  by  Father  Kino  in  1687. 

In  1694  Father  Kino  made  a  visit  to  the  Pima  Indians 
who  lived  on  the  Gila  river  in  the  vicinity  of  'Casas  Grandes,' 
the  great  houses.  There  he  established  two  missions,  that  of 
the  Immaculate  Conception,  and  that  of  St.  Andrew.  On  the 
7th  of  February  1699  the  same  missionary  started  on  a  second 
journey  to  the  Gila  and  visited,  says  Father  Amando  Niel,  in 
company  with  other  religious,  the  tribes  of  the  Yumas  and  of 
the  Cocomari  Copas.  These  Indians  spoke  to  them  of  different 
other  tribes,  not  far  distant,  and  especially  of  the  Iguanes,  of 
the  Culganes  and  the  Alquedunes,  three  tribes  now  extinct  or 
consolidated  with   the  Yumas.       Moreover,    the   missionaries 


(1)  Velasco,  Noticias  Estatistieas  de  la  Provincia  de  Sonora. 

(2)  A  history  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  iu  the  United  States.    New  York, 
The  Christian  Literature  Co.,  1895. 


132  Work  op  the  Missionaries  in  Arizona. 

pushed  their  explorations  as  far  as  the  Gulf  of  California^ 
preaching  the  Word  of  God  to  every  nation  they  met  on  the 
way. 

But  the  prediction  of  persecution  which  the  Savior  had 
made  to  His  disciples,  was  to  be  verified,  even  in  the 
missions  of  this  part  of  the  New  World,  and  this,  shortly  after 
their  establishment.  The  missionaries  counted  already  a  good 
numter  of  Christian  tribes;  they  hoped  to  gain  many  more  yet 
to  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ,  when  the  Pimas  rebelled 
unexpectedly  and  killed  the  priest  who  administered  their 
mission  at  Caborca,  in  Sonora.  Soon  after,  the  missions  of 
the  province  had  to  suffer  another  very  severe  trial,  though 
independent  from  the  will  and  action  of  man,  in  the  death  of 
Father  Kino,  who  was  their  chief  Moderator  and  the  soul  of 
the  mission.  These  sad  events  were,  it  seems,  the  cause, 
partially  at  least,  of  a  marked  decrease  in  the  progress  of  the 
missionary  work  until  the  year  1727. 

At  this  period  however,  the  Bishop  of  Durango,  Don  Benito 
Crespo,  whose  jurisdiction  at  this  time  extended  almost  over 
all  the  missions  of  the  Jesuits,  after  visiting  a  part  of  the 
province  of  Sonora,  sent  a  report  to  King  Philip  V.  on  the 
condition  of  its  missions  and  obtained  from  His  Majesty  the 
pecuniary  help  thej^^  needed  to  support  themselves.  It  was  with 
this  fund,  says  the  author  of  the  Noticias  Estadisticas  already 
mentioned,  that  the  missionaries  were  enabled  to  found  three 
new  missions  in  the  year  1731. 

But  the  time  of  trial  was  not  yet  over.  On  November  21st 
1 75 1,  the  Indians  of  the  'Pimeria  Alta'  that  is  to  say,  all  the 
Indians  who  lived  in  the  northwest  of  the  province,  rebelled 
against  their  missionaries.  According  to  a  book  written  by 
one  of  the  Fathers  in  1762,  under  the  title  of  "Rudo  Ensayo,  o 
Descripcion  Geografica  de  la  provincia  de  Sonora",  the  Indians 
of  the  Pimeria  Alta  were  distinguished  as  follows :  i ,  The 
Pimas  proper ;  2,  those  who  lived  together  in  pueblos ;  3,  the 
Papagos  or  Papootam  and  4,  the  Sobahipuris,  with  the  Pimas 
who  lived  along  the  Gila  river.  '  'This  nation, ' '  says  the  author 
of  the  book,  '  'being  new  in  the  faith  and  finding  itself  mixed 
with  the  pagans  of  its  own  tribes,  is  for  these  reasons,  unstable, 
wild,  stubborn  and  greatly  attached  to  superstitious  abuses." 


WOEK   OF  THE   MISSIONARIES   IN  ARIZONA.  135 

This  revolt,  which  lasted  over  two  3'ears,  had  for  its  result  the 
abandonment  of  all  the  churches,  which  remained  thus  until 
1754,  and  the  death  of  three  zealous  missionaries.  These  three 
martyrs  of  the  rebellion  were:  Father  Francisco  Xavier  Saeta, 
Enriques  Ruen  and  Tomas  Tello. 

In  1752,  as  a  protection  for  the  missions  and  for  that  part 
of  the  country,  both  against  any  new  revolt  of  the  Pimas  and 
against  the  forays  of  the  Apaches,  the  government  established 
a  Presidio  at  Tubac,  or  Tubaca,  where  previously  stood  the 
pueblo  of  the  same  name,  which  was  spiritually  attended  from 
Guevavi.  After  the  rebellion  the  Indians  of  Tubaca  moved 
about  three  miles  south  to  Tumacacuri,  where  they  had  less 
facilities  for  the  irrigation  of  the  land  than  at  their  former 
pueblo. 

In  the  country  which  had  to  be  protected  by  the  Presidio, 
we  translate  from  the  Rudo  Ensayo,  existed  the  following  now 
deserted  localities:  "The  Sopori  Rancho,  a  little  over  two 
leagues  north  of  the  Presidio  ;  that  of  Tucubabi,  thirteen  leagues 
southwest  of  Las  Estancias  of  Guevavi  with  some  Spanish  set- 
tlers ;  Arivaca,  seven  leagues  west  of  the  Presidio,  and  thirty 
leagues  southwest,  the  pueblo  of  San  Luis  Beltran. 

The  same  author  writes  that  the  priest  who  had  charge  of 
ministering  to  the  Presidio  in  1755,  was  the  parish  priest  of 
Nacosari,  Don  Joaquin  Rodriguez  Rey,  who  was  killed  by  the 
Apaches  on  his  way  to  the  Post,  though  he  had  an  escort  of 
soldiers. 

Towards  the  beginning  of  1754,  the  missionaries  were  able 
to  resume  their  work  in  the  churches  that  had  escaped  the 
general  destruction.  Among  these  was  that  of  San  Xavier  del 
Bac,  which  we  see  the  same  year  provided  with  a  priest  who 
left  the  following  words  written  in  one  of  the  church  records : 
"'November  21st,  1751,  the  Pima  nation  rebelled  and  deprived 
this  mission  of  its  spiritual  director  until  now,  1754,  in  which 
year  the  Indians  have  returned  to  their  pueblos,  meaning  as 
they  say,  to  live  peaceably.  And  for  the  authority  of  this 
writing  I  sign  it."      (Signed)  "Francisco  Paner." 

The  same  priest  had  to  administer  from  San  Xavier  the 
missions  of  Tucson,  Tubac  and  Tumacacuri,  this  last  one 
having  been  built  the  same  year,  1754.     These  four  missions 


134  Work  of  the  Missioxaries  in  Arizoxa, 

were  located  in  the  Santa  Cruz  valley'  over  a  stretch  of  about 
sixty  miles.  As  to  the  population  of  these  missions,  its  num- 
ber can  be  approximately  calculated  by  that  of  the  baptisms 
the  priest  administered  in  them  on  his  first  visit  after  the  quell- 
ing of  the  rebellion.  This  was,  for  Tubac  and  Tumacacuri,  64  ; 
for  San  Xavier,  61,  and  for  Tucson  52,  or  a  total  of  157. 

It  did  not  take  long  after  peace  prevailed  in  the  country, 
to  see  the  missions,  one  after  the  other,  springing  out  of  their 
ruins.  In  1762  the  Jesuits  counted  twenty-nine  missions  con- 
sisting of  seventy-three  Indian  pueblos.  Those  located  in  the 
province  which  afterwards  became  Arizona,  were  :  San  Xavier 
del  Bac,  San  Jose  de  Tumacacuri,  San  Miguel  de  Sonoitag  (i), 
Guevavi,  San  Cayetano  de  Calabazas  and  Santa  Ana.  In  the 
same  3'ear,  how'ever,  the  missions  were  greatly  disturbed  by 
the  incessant  attacks  of  the  Apaches  against  the  Sobahipuris  of 
the  San  Pedro  valley-,  which  obliged  these  Indians  to  abandon 
their  fertile  lands,  and  to  distribute  themselves  in  the  missions 
of  San  Xavier,  Tucson  and  Santa  Maria  Soanca. 

The  missions  of  this  period  had  no  trouble  on  the  part  of 
the  aborigines  who  formed  their  population,  but  they  had  it 
constantly  from  the  Apaches,  who  lived  along  almost  all  the 
length  of  the  northern  frontier  of  the  province.  On  the  other 
hand,  on  account  of  the  intrigues  w'hich  were  plotted  in  Europe 
against  the  Fathers,  they  were  deprived  ifor  some  years,  if  not 
of  the  whole  compensation  they  were  entitled  to  receive  from, 
the  government,  of  part  of  it,  at  least,  being  thus  hindered  in 
their  work,  until  at  last,  their  expulsion  was  decreed  in  1767. 

As  has  been  w-ritten  before.  Father  Kino  made  a  visit  in 
1694  to  the  tribes  of  the  Gila  river,  as  far  as  "Casas  Grandes" 
or  the  ruins  of  that  name,  which  have  been  considered  b)-  many 
a  writer  as  the  remams  of  the  huge  mansions  of  some  prehis- 
toric race  of  people.  Some  wTiter,  whose  name  we  cannot  re- 
member now,  has  stated  that  there  is  a  tradition  among  the 
Pimas  purporting  that  the  casas  grandes  had  been  built  by  In- 
dians who  came  from  the  north.  How  long  did  they  inhabit 
these  houses?  Nobody  know^s,  but  tradition  has  it  that  for 
some  reason  they  abandoned  the  places  they  had  occupied  and 

(1)    This  mission,  founded  in  May  1751,  was  ruined  the  same  year  by  its  own 
people,  who  killed  their  priest,  Father  Henrique  Ruen,  as  said  before. 


WOBK   OF  THE   MiSSIOXARIES   IN    ArIZON'A.  1S5 

"went  south,  whence  they  never  returned.  Certain  it  is  that 
thus  far,  nobody  has  been  able  to  find  any  clew  to  the  date  of 
the  origin,  either  of  these  buildings  or  of  the  portions  of  aque- 
ducts which  exist  yet  in  their  vicinity  on  either  side  of  the 
river,  and  which  are  an  unquestionable  proof  of  a  great  and 
intelligent  work.  The  distance  between  the  two  houses  is  about 
nine  miles.  At  the  time  Father  Kino  visited  the  ruins  of  the 
Casas  Grandes,  they  could  see  that  the  one  located  on  the  left 
side  of  the  river  had  consisted  of  four  stories  fitted  with  moun- 
tain cedar  joists.  The  missionaries  tried  to  have  the  history  of 
these  buildings,  but  failed  to  get  any  reliable  account  of  the 
matter  from  the  Indians.  It  ma^'  be  surmised  that  these  houses 
were  built,  no  matter  when,  by  a  class  of  people  different  from 
the  natives  now  living  on  the  Gila  river.  This  conjecture 
would  seem  to  be  supported  by  the  difference  that  exists,  as 
regards  the  mode  of  construction  between  the  Casas  Grandes 
and  the  house  of  the  Indians  now  living  in  Arizona.  The  walls 
of  the  former  were  made  of  a  kind  of  clay,  pressed  in  large 
boxes  or  between  planks,  on  the  wall  itself,  at  the  time  of  its 
building,  while  those  of  the  latter  are  made  of  adobe  or  sun  dried 
brick.  As  far  as  we  can  judge  by  the  remains  of  another  old 
-canal  which  are  to  be  seen  on  the  left  side  of  the  Salt  river,  not 
far  above  Tempe,  it  would  seem  that  there  also  may  have  ex- 
isted some  large  houses,  though  no  ruins  of  them  can  be  traced 
at  present. 

The  immense  houses  of  the  past  must  not  be  considered  as 
a  thing  peculiar  to  Arizona.  The  ruins  of  such  structures  are 
found  in  Mexico,  especially  at  Palenque,  in  the  State  of  Chiapas  ; 
the  like  of  them  were  also  found  in  New  Mexico,  at  the  time 
of  its  conquest  by  Coronado  in  1540,  though  smaller  in  propor- 
tions and  made  of  a  poorer  material.  Two  of  them  are  yet  in 
existence  in  New  Mexico,  one  in  the  pueblo  of  Taos,  and  the 
other  in  the  pueblo  of  Picuries,  and  both  are  inhabited  at 
present  as  they  w^ere  centuries  ago. 

The  reason  for  these  houses  must  have  been  the  necessity 
that  the  Indians,  who  intended  to  settle  in  one  place,  had  of 
protecting  themselves  against  the  wandering  tribes.  There 
they  lived  in  constant  fear  of  some  attack,  but  alwa3-s  ready  to 


136  Work  of  the  Missionaries  in  Arizona. 

face  the  enemj^  from  the  terraces  of  the  buildings,  and  protect 
their  families  inside. 

The  Casas  Grandes  at  Taos  and  Picuries,  seen  from  a  dis- 
tance, look  like  old  brown  dismantled  castles.  They  are  com- 
posed of  adobe  rooms,  forming  by  their  position  a  quadrangular 
figure,  whose  inside  square  is  filled  up  with  earth  and  gravel. 
This  is  the  first  or  ground  floor.  The  next  one  was  built  the 
same  way,  retreating  on  the  inside  square  so  as  to  leave  un- 
covered the  terraces  of  the  lower  rooms,  and  so  on  until  the 
building  was  completed  in  the  shape  of  a  graded  pjTamid. 
There,  on  the  terraces  of  these  buildings,  are  seen  the  families 
who  inhabit  them,  busy  at  their  daily  work  and  watching  at 
the  same  time  over  the  fields  below,  where  grow  the  corn  and 
the  melons  the}'-  have  planted.  There  it  was  also  that,  in  olden 
times,  the  warriors  stood  with  quiver  and  bow,  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  tribe  when  it  was  in  danger  of  spme  attack.  It  is 
to  be  remarked  that  these  dwellings,  to-day  as  in  times  of  dan- 
ger, have  only  one  single  opening,  on  the  terrace  or  roof  of  each 
room,  which  serves  as  door  and  window.  In  order  to  penetrate 
into  the  rooms,  every  family  must  be  provided  with  two  ladders, 
one  to  climb  up  from  the  outside  and  another  to  go  down  inside. 
In  former  times  all  the  outside  ladders  of  the  first  stor>'  had  to 
be  taken  up  to  the  terrace  for  the  night,  a  precaution  that  has 
been  dispensed  with  for  a  long  time.  For  reasons  of  safety, 
the  big  houses  were  invariably  built  on  elevated  spots,  some- 
times far  from  the  water,  and  this  fact  explains  the  existence 
of  the  canals  whose  traces  are  found  in  the  vicinity  of  the  old 
ruins  in  Arizona.  Where  water  could  not  be  had  b}^  means  of 
canals,  it  had  to  be  gathered  in  cisterns  or  in  the  natural  hol- 
lows of  the  rocks,  w^hen  these  were  conveniently  near. 

It  is  very  likely,  from  the  missions  Father  Kino  had  estab- 
lished on  the  Gila  river  in  1694,  as  stated  before,  that  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  extended  gradually  their  visits  to  the  numerous  tribes 
which  existed  farther  west  on  the  same  river,  and  penetrated 
into  California. 

In  1697,  says  Cretineau  Joly  (i),  the  missions  of  Cali- 
fornia were  started  by  the  Fathers  Picolo  and  Salvatierra,  with 


(1)    Crftineau  Joly,  Histoi re  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus,  chap,  ii.,   vol.*  v.    Paris, 
Jacques  Lecoflre  et  Cie.    1859. 


Work  op  the  Missioxaries  ix  Arizoxa.  137 

no  other  arms  but  the  cross.  Having  collected  a  few  catechu- 
mens, the  Fathers  parted  from  each  other,  one  going  to  the 
north  and  the  other  to  the  south,  in  search  of  new  tribes. 
Father  Ugarte,  who  joined  them  soon  after,  took  charge  of  the 
Trippue  and  of  the  Loppu  Indians,  and  in  a  short  time  the 
three  religious  men  placed  California  under  the  direction  of 
four  missions.  Here,  as  everj^where  the}^  had  tried  their  hands 
before,  the  missionaries  civilized  the  savage  aborigines  by 
Christianitv^  and  taught  them  the  secret  of  labor  and  agricul- 
ture, in  a  countr^^  otherwise  but  ver}^  little  favorable  to  the 
purpose,  owing  to  the  frequent  wind  storms  which  destroj^ed 
almost  everj'thing  that  grew  in  the  fields.  '  'At  last  persever- 
ance triumphed  over  the  insalubrity  of  the  climate.  Vines  and 
olive  trees  were  planted  on  that  ungrateful  soil  and  the  herds 
w^ere  seen  living  and  multiplying  themselves  on  it.  By  letters 
patent  from  the  King  of  Spain,  the  Jesuits,  who  create  nations 
and  accustom  them  to  social  life,  administered  justice  in  Cali- 
fornia. They  obtained  for  the  neophytes  exemption  from 
working  in  the  mines. ' ' 

"In  a  short  time,"  writes  Mr.  de  Alofres  as  quoted  by 
Cretineau,  (i)  "the  Fathers  converted  the  whole  of  California, 
and  the  plan  they  adopted  shall  always  be  taken  as  a  model  to 
be  followed.' ' 

Robertson  in  his  history  of  America,  says  Cretineau,  con- 
trary to  his  noted  impartiality',  pretends  that  the  missionaries 
to  California  "in  order  to  keep  an  absolute  authority  over  their 
neophytes,  took  great  care  to  prejudice  them  against  the 
insalubrity  and  sterility  of  the  country,  saying  that  the  zeal 
they  had  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  had  been  alone  a 
sufficient  reason  for  them  to  reside  in  it.' ' 

On  the  other  hand,  Baron  de  Humboldt  (2)  quoted  by 
Cretineau  Joly,  speaks  in  high  terms  of  the  zeal  of  the  Fathers, 
and  of  the  success  they  had  in  California.  "The  interesting 
travels  of  three  Jesuits,  Eusebe  Kiihn  or  Kino,  Maria  Salva- 
tierra  and  Jesus  Ugarte  made  known  the  physical  situation  of 
the  countr3^     The  Loretto  village  had  been  founded  in  1697 


(1)  Mofres,  in  his  exploration  of  Oregon. 

(2)  Baron  de  Humboldt  in  his  Political  Essay  on  New  Spain. 


138  TVOBK   OF   THE   MISSIONARIES   IX   ArIZOKA. 

under  the  name  of  Presidio  de  San  Dionisio.  In  a  very  few 
3'ears  they  established  sixteen  villages  in  the  peninsula." 

The  same  author  in  the  work  above  mentioned  says: 
"The  malevolence  and  hatred  that  were  attached  to  the  name  of 
Jesuits  gave  rise  to  the  suspicion  that  the  priests  of  the  Order 
concealed  from  the  government  the  treasures  that  were  hidden 
in  a  land  so  much  praised  of  yore.  These  considerations 
determined  the  Visitador,  visitor,  Don  Jose  de  Gal  van,  who 
had  followed  an  expedition  against  the  Indians  of  Sonora,  to  go 
to  California.  There  he  found  mountains  without  vegetable 
soil,  and  hardly  some  scrubby  bushes  growing  in  the  crevices 
of  the  arid  rocks.  Nothing  spoke  of  the  gold  and  silver  it  was 
thought  the  Jesuits  had  extracted  from  the  ground,  but  everj'- 
where  could  be  seen  the  traces  of  their  active  industry  and  of 
the  laudable  zeal  they  had  employed  to  bring  a  desert  and  arid 
land  under  cultivation." 

The  story  of  the  rich  mines  owned  by  the  Jesuits  in  the 
missions  of  the  New  World  got  so  much  credit  at  the  time  it 
was  given  out,  that  it  has  yet,  at  the  present  date,  the  authority 
of  a  li\'ing  tradition  in  the  country  which  formerly  composed 
the  province  of  Sonora.  Indeed  very  often,  when  some  old 
mines  are  discovered,  either  in  Sonora  or  in  Arizona,  we  see 
that  they  are  called  by  the  name  of  "minas  de  los  Padres," 
mines  of  the  Fathers,  which  is  intended  to  convey  the  idea  of 
very  rich  mineral  deposits.  Be  this  as  it  ma}'-,  we  never  read 
of  any  mines,  rich  or  poor,  held  in  possession  by  the  old  mis- 
sionaries, while  history  has  it  that  from  the  establishment  of 
the  missions  their  priests  always  tried  to  have  the  Indians 
exempt  from  working  in  the  mines.  If  we  read  the  "Rudo 
Ensaj'o  o  Descripcion  Geografica  de  la  provincia  de  Sonora' '  ( i ) , 
the  author,  probably  one  of  the  Visitors  of  the  missions,  speaks 
of  different  places  where,  according  to  what  the  Indians  say, 
there  are  traces  of  rich  mines,  but  of  none  owned  or  worked  by 
the  Fathers. 

The  Jesuits  were  so  successful  in  Christianizing  and  civiliz- 
ing the  aborigines  that  they  were  made  the  object  of  all  sorts 
of  calumnies  on  the  part  of  the  enemies  of  the  Spanish  throne 


(1)    A  work  already  mentioned. 


Work  of  the  jNIissionaries  in  Arizona.  139 

and  of  religion.  No  real  accusations  could  be  brought  against 
them,  but  as  complaints  were  increasing  constantly  every  day 
from  different  parts  of  the  globe,  the  Fathers,  little  by  little, 
fell  into  discredit  in  the  eyes  of  the  government,  until  they 
were  sacrificed  in  France,  Portugal  and  Spain  by  the  respective 
tninisters  of  these  powers,  Choiseul,  Pombal  and  d'Aranda.  It 
was  on  the  second  of  April,  1767,  that  the  priests  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus  were  expelled  from  all  the  Spanish  possessions. 

(3)     The  Franciscan  Fathers  Succeed  the  Jesuits  in  the  Missions 
of  the  Province  of  Sonora. 

In  1667,  the  3^ear  when  the  Jesuit  Fathers  were  expelled  from 
the  Spanish  possessions,  the  Marquis  de  Croix,  viceroy  of 
Mexico,  sent,  by  order  of  the  King,  a  petition  to  the  Superior 
of  the  Franciscans  of  the  college  of  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro, 
for  fourteen  or,  at  least,  twelve  priests  of  the  Order  to  take 
charge  of  the  missions  of  Sonora.  The  petition  was  considered 
an  order,  and  the  Superior,  Fray  Mariano  Antonio  de  Buena 
y  Alcalde,  selected  the  fourteen  priests  asked  for,  from  among 
the  many  who  volunteered  for  the  distant  missions.  Before 
starting  on  their  journey,  these  priests  received  from  the  Guar- 
dian of  the  college  instructions  on  the  manner  of  dealing  with 
the  Indians,  in  order  the  better  to  attract  them  and  convert 
them  to  the  Catholic  religion.  They  were  also  reminded  of  the 
wish  of  the  Catholic  monarch,  that  the  Indians  should  be 
treated  with  paternal  care,  and,  as  much  as  possible,  induced  to 
live  in  pueblos,  where  all  the  efforts  apostolical  zeal  can  in- 
spire could  be  used  with  more  facility  and  profit  for  their  in- 
struction. On  the  5th  of  August,  which  had  been  appointed 
for  the  start  of  the  missionaries,  all  the  community  assembled 
in  the  chapel,  as  we  read  in  the  Cronica  Serafica,  where,  after 
the  adoration  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  the  '  'Tota  Pulchra  es 
Maria,"  "Thou  art  all  beautiful,  O  Mary,"  was  sung  to  im- 
plore the  protection  of  the  mother  of  God  for  the  new  apostles 
and  their  missions.  These  priests,  having  embraced  their 
brothers  in  religion  and  recommended  themselves  to  their 
prayers,  set  out  on  their  journe3^  They  had  to  stop  nearl^^  five 
m^onths  in  the  province  of  Jalisco,  waiting  for  an  opportunity 
to  sail  from  San  Bias  for  Guaymas.     They  reached  at  last  this 


140  "Work  of  the  MissioxARfES  ix  Amzo^x. 

point,   after  a  painful  voyage  of  one  hundred  and  nineteen 
days. 

At  Guaymas  they  took  four  days  rest.  There  the^^  were 
apprised  that  their  destination  was  the  Pimeria  Alta,  two  hun- 
dred leagues  northward  which  distance  the}' had  to  travel  on  foot. 
They  proceeded  to  the  presidio  of  San  Miguel  de  Horcasitas, 
where  the  governor  of  the  province  resided,  and  where  they 
established  themselves. 

We  quote,  translating  from  Juan  Domingues  Arricivita  ( i ) , 
the  names  of  the  missions  the  Franciscans  found  existing  in  the 
Pimeria  Alta  in  1768,  when  they  took  possession  of  them. 
These  were  :  "The  mission  of  San  Ignacio,  w^herefrom  were 
attended  that  of  Magdalena,  two  leagues  distant,  and  that  of 
Himuris,  three  leagues  distant ;  Suanca  with  the  pueblo  of  Co- 
cospera ;  Guevavi  with  two  more  pueblos,  and  the  presidio  of 
Tubac  attended  from  it ;  El  Bac  with  the  presidio  of  Tuyson, 
three  leagues  distant ;  Tubutama  with  Santa  Teresa,  two 
leagues  distant ;  Saric ;  Ati  with  the  pueblo  of  Oquitoa,  five 
leagues  distant,  and  two  further,  the  presidio  of  Altar ;  Ga- 
borca,  with  two  pueblos,  Visani,  two  leagues,  distant,  and 
Pitiqui,  five  leagues  distant. 

From  the  beginning  the  Franciscans,  like  the  Jesuits  their 
predecessors,  worked  faithfully  and  zealously  in  the  missions 
assigned  to  them,  which  were  the  most  arduous  in  the  whole 
province  of  Sonora,  as  being  of  comparativel}^  a  more  recent 
creation. 

The  Pimas,  we  see  in  the  Cronica,  were  inclined  to  the 
practice  of  intercourse  with  the  evil  spirits,  which  they  had 
inherited  from  their  ancestors,  and  which  prevented  the  grow- 
ing of  the  Evangelical  seed  in  their  hearts.  There  were  many 
among  them  who  were  considered  to  be  Christians  because  they 
had  been  baptized,  but  who  knew  more  of  deviltry  than  of 
Catholic  doctrine.  The  author  justifies  these  plain  assertions 
in  regard  to  the  Pima  Indians  by  what  has  been  written  of  the 
same  in  "Los  Apostolicos  Afanes",  the  painful  Apostolic  work 
of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  in  the  missions  of  the  New  World. 


(1)    Cronica  Serafica  del  Apostolico  Colegio  de  Queretaro. 


Work  o)?  the  Misstonawes  ik  Arizona,.  141 

The  Jesuits  said,  that  the  infernal  enemy  availed  himself 
of  the  poor  intellectual  capacity  of  the  Indians  to  entertain 
them  with  the  ideas  and  desires  of  worldly  and  visible  things  to 
prevent  them  from  thinking  of  things  relating  to  the  soul,  and 
to  the  future  life ;  that  they  practiced  witchcraft  to  cause  dam- 
age not  only  to  their  enemies,  but  even  to  the  missionaries  who 
iiever  offended  them,  and  who  nevertheless  suffered  in  their 
liealth  or  even  died,  some  of  them,  of  the  effect  of  diabolical 
arts  used  against  them. 

The  Franciscans,  continues  the  author  of  the  Cronica,  had 
to  work  verj'  hard  i'n  Sonora  but  their  work  proved  so  fruit- 
ful that  in  a  comparatively  short  number  of  years,  besides 
instructing  the  Indians,  they  founded  for  them  several  missions^ 
These  were  the  missions  of  Pitic,  now  Hermosillo,  for  the  Seris, 
that  of  Carrizal  for  the  Tiburones,  and  the  two  missions  of  the 
Colorado  river  for  the  Yumaa. 

Under  the  direction  of  the  zealous  missionaries  were  reared 
from  the  foundations  the  Church  of  Buena  Vista  and  Ures» 
Those  of  Tonichi,  Opodepa,  Cucurpe  and  Calabasas  were  com- 
pleted and  covered;  those  of  Tumacacuri,  Atil,  Oquitoa  and 
Caborca  were  renovated,  and  those  of  San  Ignacio,  Tubutama 
and  Pitiquito  were  covered  with  arches  built  with  lime  and 
bricks. 

According  to  the  same  author,  it  was  also  under  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Franciscans  that  the  pueblos  of  Oquitoa., 
Atil,  Tubutama,  Saric,  Cocospera,  Tumacacuri  and  San  Xavier 
del  Bac  and  pueblito  of  Tucson  were  provided  with  adobe 
houses  and  walls  of  protection  against  the  Apaches. 

From  San  Miguel  de  Horcacitas,  Fray  Francisco  Garcez, 
one  of  the  missionaries,  was  sent  to  San  Xavier  with  charge, 
very  likely,  of  the  other  missions  which  had  survived  the  revolt 
of  the  Pimas  in  that  section  of  the  countr}^  During  his  stay 
at  San  Xavier,  that  is  to  say  from  1768  to  1778,  this  zealous 
priest  visited  several  times  the  tribes  of  Arizona  and  prepared 
almost  all  of  them  to  receive  missionaries,  had  these  been  sent 
to  them.  In  August,  1768,  Father  Garcez,  says  Aricivita 
mentioned  by  Civezza,  made  his  first  journey'  among  the  Pimas 
and  Yumas  without  other  escort  but  some  Indians  he  would 
take  as  guides  from  one  tribe  to  another.     Everyv\'here  he  was 


142  Work  of  the  JIissionareets  ix  Arizox'a, 

received  with  kindness  by  the  Indians,  who  did  not  object  to> 
have  their  children  baptized,  but  refused  to  have  missions  es- 
tabhshed  in  their  villages. 

In  1 77 1  the  same  religious  made  a  second  visit  to  the  tribes 
living  on  the  Gila  and  Colorado  rivers,  and  this  had  for  result 
the  removal  of  all  objections  against  the  establishment  of  two 
missions  on  the  Colorado.  These  were  the  Immaculate  Con- 
ception, which  was  built  at  the  "Puerto  de  la  Concepcion"  and 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  which  was  erected  at  a  distance  af  three 
leagues  from  the  first  in  a  localit}^  called  "Bicuner."  The  two 
missions  were  completed  and  the  churches  opened  in  1778. 

We  can  easily  surmise  how  hard  Padre  Garcez  had  to  work 
during  seven  5''ears  to  instruct  the  Yumas,  and  prepare  them 
for  the  manner  of  living  of  the  Christian  pueblos. 

These  missions,  which  had  given  great  hopes  from  the  be- 
ginning, did  not  reaUze  them.  On  the  17th  of  July,  1781,' 
which  was  Sunday',  the  Yuma  Indians,  under  pretext  of  some 
damage  caused  to  their  crops  by  the  horses  of  the  Spanish  sol- 
diers, went  to  the  churches  during  mass  and  killed  the  priests 
and  the  Spaniards  they  found  in  them.  There  the  Rev.  Fran- 
cisco Garcez,  Juan  Diez,  Jose  Matias  Moreno  and  Juan  Antonio 
Berenoche  received  the  crown  of  martyrdom,  the  termination  of 
their  apostolic  labors. 

At  the  news  of  the  missionaries'  death,  soldiers  were  sent 
from  Presidio  del  Altar  for  their  bodies,  which  they  carried  to 
the  Church  of  Tuhutama,  as  the  nearest,  and  buried  them  at 
the  gospel  side  of  the  main  altar.     ( i ) 

That  tne  Indians  must  have  been  greatly  benefited  by  the 
presence  of  Fray  Francisco  Garcez  and  other  Franciscan. 
Fathers  among  them,  nobody  will  doubt.  These  missionaries, 
like  their  predecessors,  the  Jesuits,  were  all  men  of  God,  en- 
tirely devoted  to  the  duties  of  their  vocation.  By  hard  labor 
and  privations  of  all  sorts  they  succeeded  not  only  in  teaching 
the  Indians  the  way  of  salvation,  but  also  in  bringing  them 
from  the  miserable  condition  in  which  they  had  been  found  to 
the  state  of  civilized  life.  A  proof  of  the  success  the  Francis- 
cans had  at  San  Xavier,  is  the  church  the^-  built  in  that  mission 


(1)    Marcelino  de  Civezza. 


'Work  of  the  Missionaries  in  Arizona,  143 

instead  of  the  old  one  left  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers.  The  San 
Xavier  Church,  though  now  greatly  injured  b^'^  the  time  which 
"has  elapsed  since  its  erection,  is  yet,  however,  a  monument  at' 
tracting  the  attention  of  every  stranger  coming  to  Arizona. 
The  date  1797,  which  is  seen  on  one  of  the  doors  of  this  church, 
is,  according  to  tradition,  the  date  of  the  completion  of  the 
edifice,    the  building  of  which  had  required  fourteen  years. 

This  is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  a  few  persons  who, 
asserted  to  us,  about  thirty  5^ears  ago,  that  they  had  been 
present  at  the  dedication  of  the  church.  • 

The  missions  prospered  under  the  Franciscan  administra- 
tion until  the  year  18 10,  when  the  desire  of  independence  com- 
menced to  spread  all  over  the  territory  of  New  Spain,  and  this 
brought  about,  even  among  the  Indians,  a  spirit  of  disquiet, 
■which  in  many  ways,  proved  detrimental  to  religion. 

Very  soon  the  government  felt  embarrassed  financially,  on 
account  of  the  expense  it  had  to  incur  in  order  to  sustain  itself 
against  the  revolution,  and  the  annual  help  allowed  to  the 
missionaries  failed  to  come  in  due  time,  and  in  many  instances, 
was  not  paid_at  all.  The  result  to  the  missions  was  a  hindrance 
to  their  material  progress.  From  this  time,  they  had  to  suffer 
more  or  less-  every  year,  either  from  the  revolution  or  from  the 
dearth  of  material  resources  until  the  last  stroke  was  aimed  at 
them  by  the  expulsion_of  the  missionaries,  December  20th, 
1827,  six  years  after  the  fall  of  the  Spanish  Colonial  Govern- 
ment in  Mexico. 

The  Jesuits  and  the  Franciscans  attended  chiefly  to  the 
missions  of  Guevavi,  Sonoitag,  Calabazas,  Tumacacuri,  San 
Xavier,  Tucson,  Arivac,  Tubac,  Santa  Barbara  and  Sopori. 

These  missions  were  visited  in  January,  182 1,  bj^  the 
Bishop  of  Sonora. 

{4)     Names  of  the  Missionaries  who   Worked  Among  the  Tribes 
of  the  Country  Now  Called  Arizona. 

The  priests  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  as  said  before,  were 
intrusted  with  the  care  of  the  province  of  Sonora  in  the  year 
1636.  These  priests  extended  their  missions  into  Arizona,  be- 
tween the  years  1690  and  1692.  The  following  are  the  names 
of  those  of  the  missionaries  who  labored  in  Arizona  from  that 


14-f  Work  of  the  MissroNAKiES  ix  Arizona, 

date  until  1767,  as  far  as  we  can  collect  from  two  fragments'  of 
church  records  found  in  the  mission  of  San  Xavier  del  Bac  : 

(i)  Aguirre,  Manuel.  (2)  Diaz  del  Carpio,  Manuel- 
(3)  Diaz,  Joaquin  Felix.  (4)  Espinosa,  Alonzo.  (5)  Gar- 
rucho,  Manuel  Joseph.  (6)  Gerstner,  Miguel.  {7)  Keller,, 
Ignacio  Xa\der.  (8)  Kino,  Francisco.  (9)  Dorasoain,  Ignacio- 
(10)  Middendorf,  Bernardo.  (11)  Nentivig,  Juan.  (12) 
Paner,  Francisco.  (13)  De  la  Pena,  Ildefonso.  (14)  Rapuani, 
Alexandro.  (15)  Saenz,  Bartolomeo.  (r6)  Salvatierras,  Juan 
Maria,     (17)  De  Torres,  Perea  Joseph.     (18)  Pfeffercom,  N- 

The  Franciscan  Fathers  from  1767  to  1827  : 

(19)  Agorreta,  Juan  Joseph.  (20)  De  Arriquibar,  Pedro.. 
(21)  F.  de  la  Asuncion,  (22)  Belarde,  Joaquin  Antonio, 
(23)  Berenoche,  Juan  Antonio,  (24)  Bordoy,  Mariano,  (25) 
Carillo,  Baltazar,  (26)  De  Clemente,  Gaspar,  (27)  CorgoU,, 
Juan.  (28)  Diaz,  Rafael.  (29)  Diaz,  Juan,  (30)  X.  Eix- 
arch,  Tomas.  (31)  Estelric,  Juan  Bautista.  (32)  De  Gam- 
arra,  Felix.  (33)  Garcez^  Francisco.  (34)  Garcia,  Solano- 
Francisco,  (35)  Gil  de  Bernabe,  Crisqstomo.  (36)  Gil,  Diego, 
(37)  Gutierres,  Narcisco,  (38)  Eiberos,  Ramon,  (39) 
Llorenz,  Juan  Bautista,  (40)  Lopez,  Ramon,  (41)  Maldo- 
nado,  Juan.  (42)  Moreno,  Matias  Joseph,  (43)  Nadal,  N, 
(44)  Neldarrain,  Juan  Bautista.  (45)  De  Niza,  Marcos.  (46) 
De  Prada,  Angel  Alonzo.  (47 )  Ramirez,  Joseph  Ignacio,  (48) 
Ruiz,  Gregorio.  (49)  Saravial,  Manuel,  (50)  Vario,  Juan, 
(51)  Ximeno,  Bartolome.  (52)  Ysanez,  Florencio.  (53) 
Zumiga^  Francisco, 

Of  these  Fathers  Juan  Antonio  Berenoche,  Juan  Diaz., 
Francisco  Garces  and  Jose  Matias  Moreno  were  killed  in  1781 
in  the  missions  they  had  established  on  the  Colorado  river. 


XXIV.      Most    Rev.    Placide   h.    Chapelle,    D.   D. 

Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe,  from  1893  lo  189S. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

A  Last  Glance  at  the  Indians. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  Vargas  was  really  the  conqueror 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  pacifier  of  its  Indians,  as  far  as  one 
could  expect  from  them,  considering  their  ignorance  of  a  better 
mode  of  living  than  that  thej''  had  inherited  from  their  ancestors 
and  their  unwillingness  to  abandon  it  for  the  civilization  and 
Christianization  which  were  intended  for  them  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Spain.  From  1 540  they  had  submitted  to  the  force  of 
arms  but  not  from  conviction  or  from  the  desire  of  a  better  and 
nobler  condition,  as  was  evidentl}^  proved  by  the  general  revolt 
of  1680  and  its  sad  consequences.  When  Diego  de  Vargas  was 
appointed  governor  of  New  Mexico,  he  had  not  really  to  con- 
quer the  country  but  to  reconquer  it,  and  this  is,  very  likely, 
the  reason  why  he  tried  to  bring  the  rebellious  Indians  to  sub- 
mission by  persuasion  before  using  the  military  force  Against 
them.  In  that  he  followed  the  instructions  given  several 
times  by  the  authority  ot  the  Spanish  monarchs  as  to  the  wa^^ 
of  dealing  with  the  aborigines.  This  does  not  mean  that  after 
the  reconquest  accomplished  by  Vargas  the  aborigines  were  en- 
tirely submissive.  Far  froin  it,  they  rebelled  frequently  after- 
wards, as  we  have  seen  under  the  administration  of  the  subsequent 
governors  of  New  Mexico,  but  their  revolts  were  onl}^  the  acts 
of  particular  tribes  which  caused  indeed  serious  troubles,  but 
which  were  soon  subdued,  when  the}'  had  to  face  the  soldiers 
sent  against  them  for  redress. 

We  think  it  will  not  be  outside  the  scope  of  our  notes  to  give, 
as  far  as  we  could  obtain  them  from  various  sources,  some  par- 


146  Last  Glaxce  at  the  Indians, 

ticular  information  about  the  aborigines  of  New  Mexico  from 
the  time  of  the  discover}'  and  exploration  of  this  province. 

(i)      Were  the  Aborigines  Very  Nuvierous  at  that  Epoch  ? 

If  we  judge  by  the  villages  occupied  by  the  Indians  in 
New  Mexico  before  the  revolt  of  1680,  these  must  have  been 
very  numerous,  but  it  seems  that  their  number  was  more  or 
less  exaggerated  by  the  first  explorers  of  the  countrj^  and  espe- 
cially by  Fray  Benavides,  who,  as  we  have  seen  above,  was  in 
1626  the  Custodian  of  the  missions  of  the  province.  For  this 
priest,  as  for  those  who  had  come  before  in  contact  with  the  In- 
dians in  a  peaceable  manner,  it  was  very  easy  to  overrate,  even 
unintentionally,  the  number  of  the  tribes  they  met  separately 
or  sometimes  mixed  together.  When  there  was  no  fear 
of  an  attack  from  the  strangers,  the  natives  liked  to  approach 
them  and  used  to  follow  them  from  one  place  to  another  and 
so  made  the  number  of  several  tribes  appear  what  it  was  not  in 
reality. 

Be  it  as  it  may  about  the  exact  number  of  the  Indian  pop- 
ulation the  conquerors  met  in  New  Mexico,  certain  it  is  that 
many  of  them  died,  not  only  in  the  repeated  wars  of  the  con- 
quest, but  in  their  almost  incessant  difiiculties  between  tribe 
and  tribe,  and  especially  in  the  quarrels  and  fighting  the  nine 
rebellious  nations  had  among  themselves  after  their  victory  of 
1 680,  to  decide  which  would  have  the  right  to  occupy  Santa  Fe 
and  rule  the  others. 

During  these  wars  which,  as  we  have  written  before,  on  the 
authority  of  Father  Amando  Niel,  S.  J.,  lasted  seven  years, 
many  died  either  on  the  battle  fields,  or  in  the  pueblos  for  want 
of  men  to  work  for  the  support  of  the  families,  and  owing  to  a 
drought  which  prevailed  in  the  country  for  the  same  length  of 
time.  To  these  causes  of  the  decrease  of  the  Indians  must  be 
added  the  epidemic  diseases  not  infrequent  at  all  times,  in  some 
Indian  populations. 

Moreover,  many  of  the  tribes  mentioned  by  Fray  Bena- 
vides have  disappeared  from  New  Mexico  for  reasons  unknown 
to  us.  Among  these  must  be  mentioned  the  Tompiros  Indians, 
who,  according  to  the  Custodian,  occupied  in  1626,  east  of  Rio 
Grande,  an  extent  of  fifteen  leagues  in  the  same  direction  with 


Last  Glance  at  the  Indians.  147 

fifteen  or  sixteen  villages  giving  an  aggregate  population  of 
10,000  souls.  The  Indians,  says  the  same  author,  lived  in  a 
cold  climate  on  lands  not  very  productive  owing  to  scarcity  of 
water  for  their  irrigation.  It  may  be  that  this  was  one  of  the  * 
reasons  which  determined  these  Indians  to  leave  their  villages 
and  their  missions  in  the  last  part  of  the  seventeenth  century 
to  go  to  the  province  of  Chihuahua,  where,  by  joining  some 
other  tribes,  they  lost  their  own  name  as  a  nation. 

According  to  Bandelier  ( i )  the  Piros  of  Senecu,  six  miles 
east  of  El  Paso,  now  Villa  Juarez,  belonged  formerly  to  the 
pueblos  of  New  Mexico  and  lived  at  another  Senecu  spoken  of 
by  Benavides,  eighteen  miles  below  Socorro,  at  Pilabo  and  Abo, 
and  says  this  same  author,  '  'as  far  as  I  can  infer  at  Tabira  or 
Gran  Quivira." 

We  quote  again  from  the  same  :  "Until  the  great  upris- 
ing of  16S0  the  villages  or  pueblos  extended  or  rather  were 
scattered  on  a  line  from  Taos  in  the  extreme  north  as  far  south 
as  where  San  Marcial  now  stands,  or  a  length  of  nearly  250 
miles."  "In  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  the 
aggregate  population  of  the  pueblos  did  not  exceed  twenty-five 
thousand  souls." 

We  come  now  to  the  date  of  1789  and  see  by  the  census 
taken  this  same  year  by  order  of  Governor  Fernando  de  la 
Concha  that  the  Pueblo  Indians,  the  Moquis  excluded,  num- 
bered only  8,806.  This  shows  what  had  been  the  decrease  of 
the  former  Indian  population  either  by  the  wars,  by  the  migra- 
tion of  the  tribes  or  other  causes,  at  the  date  of  the  mentioned 
census. 

{2)     The  Hostile  Tribes. 

Abstracting  from  any  reference  to  the  wandering  tribes  of 
of  the  plains  of  Kansas,  whose  members  very  often,  as  said  be- 
fore, stopped  and  destroyed  the  caravans  of  the  Santa  Fe  trade 
with  the  western  cities  of  the  United  States,  and  made  incursions 
at  times  on  the  populations  of  New  Mexico,  we  will  speak  only 
of  the  Navajos  and  Apaches.  These  two  tribes,  since  their 
names  are  known,  have  been  the  terror  of  the  pueblo  Indians, 


(1)    Final  report  of   investigations  among    the  Indians  of   the    Southwestern 
United  States. 


148  Last  Glance  at  the  Indians. 

and  later  of  the  Spanish  settlers  of  New  Mexico.  Here  also 
we  wall  speak  after  Bandelier,  who  is  a  good  authority  as  re- 
gards the  history  of  the  Indian  tribes.  This  author  says  the 
♦Navajos  and  Apaches  are  of  the  same  nation,  the  Navajos  be- 
ing more  numerous  than  the  Apaches.  "The  proportion  is 
to-day  as  three  to  one,  the  Navajos  counting  2 1 ,000,  the  Apaches 
hardly  more  than  6,000  or  7,000  souls."  Both  were  to  be 
dreaded  at  all  times,  but  more  especialty  the  Apaches,  who  had  no 
fixed  place  of  residence,  and  could  be  met  wdth  all  over  the  coun- 
try between  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  whilst  the  Navajos  lived 
as  a  nation,  since  they  are  known,  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  moun- 
tains of  the  northwestern  part  of  New  Mexico.  When  they 
made  incursions  on  the  settlements  of  the  countrj^  they  were 
generally  in  large  numbers,  so  as  to  be  able  to  meet  resistance 
on  the  part  of  the  people  from  whom  they  used  to  steal 
their  cattle,  sheep  and  horses.  Their  inroads,  though  very 
damaging  some  times,  not  only  to  property  but  to  human  life, 
were  not,  as  a  rule,  as  frequently  repeated  as  those  of  the 
Apaches.  These  Indians  seldom  attacked  in  large  numbers, 
but  almost  incessantly  here  or  there,  and  in  this  manner,  says 
Bandelier,  harrassed  in  the  end  those  who  were  the  object  of 
their  warfare,  especially  the  pueblos. 

As  far  as  we  have  seen  since  we  came  to  this  countr}^,  the 
inhabitants  cf  the  towns  of  New  Mexico,  at  the  first  news  of  a 
misdeed  committed  by  the  Navajos  on  their  property,  would 
organize  at  once  a  band  of  armed  and  mounted  men  to  pursue 
them,  especially  if  these  Indians  had  killed  anyone  or  stolen 
some  stock  out  of  the  pastures.  This  meant  a  race  of  more 
or  less  distance  for  the  recover}^  of  the  captives  or  stolen 
animals,  as  might  be  the  case,  and  as  far  as  possible  for  a  con- 
dign punishment  of  the  miscreants.  If  it  happened  that  the 
Mexicans  had  to  follow  the  Indians  to  some  of  their  rancherias, 
they  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  try  and  make 
captives  of  the  children  of  the  Indians. 

The  attacks  of  these  two  tribes  on  the  life  and  propert}^  of 
the  peaceable  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona  and  Colo- 
rado have  been  checked  gradually  by  acts  of  the  government 
assigning  to  them  reservations  or  limited  lands,  on  which  they 
have  been  forced  to  live  under  the  custody  of  militar>-  posts. 


Last  Glance  at  the  Indians,  149 

At  the  beginning  some  bands  rebelled  against  the  law  which 
restrained  their  liberty,  they  fled  from  the  reservations,  and 
continued  under  the  leadership  of  some  of  their  braves,  like 
Victoria,  Geronimo  and  others,  their  former  mode  of  living,  and 
brought  desolation  on  the  populations  they  visited. 

These,  as  might  be  expected,  were  tracked  and  followed  by 
the  government  soldiers,  who  punished  them  and  at  last  brought 
them  to  peace,  so  that  for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  they 
do  not  give  any  more  trouble  to  the  citizens. 

(3)     The  Pueblo  Indians  of  To-Day. 

As  we  have  seen  before  (Chap.  X),  according  to  the  census 
taken  in  1789,  the  pueblo  Indians  lived  in  twenty-one  villages 
and  formed  an  aggregate  population  of  8,806.  They  occupy 
to-day  the  same  villages  with  the  exception  of  Pecos,  which 
was  abandoned  by  its  few  inhabitants  in  1842,  and  x\biquiu, 
whose  population  originally  was  formed  of  captives  made  in  the 
wars  on  different  tribes  or  taken  from  them.  These  captives 
were  given  the  name  of  "Genisaros,"  but  are  now  considered 
as  Mexicans.  These  two  pueblos  being  out  of  existence  as 
such,  there  are  only  nineteen  Indian  villages  in  New  Mexico. 
As  to  their  population,  as  far  as  could  be  ascertained  by  the 
Indian  agents  from  1890  to  1896,  it  would  be  8,536,  or  270  less 
than  in  1789.  This  difference  would  not  really  prove  that  the 
Indian  population  is  decreasing  as  the  pueblos  are  less  in  num- 
ber, and  as,  for  several  years  at  least,  their  census  has  not  been 
seriously  taken.  The  reason,  as  it  appears  by  the  report  of 
August  20th,  1895,  of  Captain  John  L.  Bullis,  acting  Indian 
Agent,  to  the  Hon.  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  is 
the  lack  of  an  adequate  appropriation  from  the  government 
for  taking  the  census  of  the  nineteen  pueblos  of  New  Mexico. 
This  means  that  we  do  not  know  the  exact  number  of  our  In- 
dians. We  would  say,  however,  that  if  there  is  an  increase  in 
their  population,  as  there  ought  to  be,  considering  that  the 
pueblos  have  not  to  fight  now  against  the  Navajos  or  Apaches, 
or  are  not  exposed  as  before  to  lose  some  of  their  men  in  wars 
against  their  enemies,  this  increase,  we  believe,  cannot  be  very 
considerable.  As  we  have  said  above,  epidemic  diseases  are 
not  infrequent  in  the  pueblos,  and  the  Indians  relying  more  on 


150  Last  Glance  at  the  Ixdia^ts. 

the  science  of  their  medicine  men  than  on  that  of  our  phj^si- 
cians,  take  ver>^  little  care  of  their  sick  persons,  and  as  a  conse- 
quence they  lose  many  of  them,  especially  young-  children.  We 
have  been  told  that  about  two  years  ago,  the  pueblo  of  Santo 
Domingo  was  afBicted  with  a  fearful  kind  of  fever,  which  kept 
many  persons  sick  at  a  time.  Apprised  of  the  case,  Agent 
Captain  Bullis,  pursuant  to  a  consultation  with  the  doctors  of 
Santa  Fe,  offered  to  procure  medicines,  and  the  Sisters  of  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  volunteered  to  go  to  the  pueblo  and  prepare 
them  for  the  sick  Indians,  but  their  services  were  positively  re- 
fused. One  of  the  ancients  of  the  tribe  said  to  them  :  "L,as 
hermanas  pueden  hacer  mas  por  nuestros  enfermos  con  sus 
oraciones  que  con  sus  medecinas."  "The  Sisters  can  do  more 
for  our  sick  persons  by  their  pra3^ers  than  bj'  their  medicines. ' ' 
The  epidemic  diseases  of  one  kind  or  another  are  sufficient  to 
prevent  much  increase  of  the  Indian  population. 

To  this  cause  of  decrease  of  population,  Bandelier,  in  the 
work  already  mentioned,  adds  another  one,  in  some  pueblos 
like  Santa  Clara,  Nambe  and  Zia,  viz,  the  practice  of  witch- 
craft, creating  among  the  Indians  suspicions  and  enmities 
which  end  in  crimes,  secretly  committed  it  is  true,  but  repeated 
often  enough  to  depopulate  the  village. 

According  to  the  same  author,  "the  pueblo  system  still 
rules  the  New  Mexican  village  Indians  and  the  Pimas  and 
Maricopas  of  Arizona."  The  pueblo  Indians  elect  their  gov- 
ernor and  other  officers  on  the  ist  of  January  since  1620. 
The  pueblo  grants  in  New  Mexico  were  conceded  b}^  order  of 
the  king  in  1682.  From  the  same  we  quote  further:  "The 
total  number  of  the  Indians  of  Arizona,  excluding  the  Navajos 
who  are  constantly  shifting  over  the  extensive  reservation  from 
New  Mexico  to  Arizona  and  back,  is  given  at  18,000.  Among 
these  appear  the  Papagos,  with  6,000,  but  this  includes  cer- 
tainly some  if  not  all  of  the  Papagos  living  across  the  Mexican 
border  in  Sonora.  The  Pagagos  of  Arizona  are  Pimas  by 
language,  although  with  a  dialectical  variation." 


SOLDIERS  OF  THE  CROSS. 


PART    TWO. 


PERIOD  OF  THE  MEXICAN  RULE. 


XXV.     Right  Rev.  X.  Ch.  Matz.   I).  I). 

Bishop  (if  DfiiVfr,  t'ol. 


PHRT  II. 
PERIOD    OF    THE    MEXICAN    RULE, 

CHAPTER  I. 
The  First  Mexican  Empire. 

The  Mexican  government  over  the  extent  of  the  territory 
we  are  treating  of  in  these  pages,  lasted  only  from  September 
27th,  1821,  the  date  of  its  independence  from  Spain  and  of  its 
beginning  as  a  separate  government,  to  1848,  when  the  limits 
between  Mexico  and  the  United  States  were  definitely  agreed 
upon  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  a  short  period,  which 
cannot  be  called  one  of  quiet  possession. 

The  Mexican  population,  at  the  time  of  effecting  their  in^ 
dependence,  did  not  intend  to  institute  for  themselves  a  new 
system  of  government ;  what  they  wanted  to  have  was  a  gov- 
ernment of  their  own,  and  this  independent  of  that  of  Spain. 
Agustin  Iturbide,  who,  for  a  3'ear  had  fought  valiantly  for  the 
independence  of  Mexico,  and  who  had  secured  it,  almost  with- 
out  effusion  of  blood,  by  the  taking  of  the  capital  on  the  above 
mentioned  date  of  September  27th,  was  the  first  to  suggest  the 
creation  of  an  imperial  government  for  the  now  independent 
country.  Whether  or  not  he  had,  at  this  time,  the  ambition  of 
becoming  emperor,  the  fact  is  that  he  proposed  to  make  the 

10* 


154  The  First  Mexican  Empire. 

king  of  Spain  the  offer  that  this  form  of  government  be  in- 
trusted to  one  of  the  princes  of  the  Bourbon  family',  on  the 
basis  of  a  plan  he  had  studied  at  Iguala  before  reaching  the 
capital.  This  plan  contained  in  substance  what  was  called  the 
"Tres  Garantias,"  the  three  guarantees,  viz.  :  The  mainte- 
nance of  the  Catholic  religion  as  that  of  the  country  ;  equalit}^ 
of  rights  between  Spaniards  and  Mexicans  ;  the  independ- 
ence, with  a  monarch^'  under  a  prince  of  the  Spanish  Bourbon 
dynasty.  These  preliminary  points  as  a  basis  of  a  national 
constitution  were  read  by  Iturbide  to  the  committee  appointed 
to  give  him  a  reception  when  he  entered  the  capital.  The  next 
day,  September  28th,  182 1,  a  meeting  of  the  men  Iturbide  had 
designated  to  constitute  "L,a  Junta  Soberana  Provisional,"  the 
Sovereign  Provisional  Body,  was  held  in  the  hall  of  the  vice- 
roy's palace.  There  the  hero  of  the  day  gave  the  members  of 
the  meeting  a  compendious  expose  of  their  duties,  which  he 
offered  to  make  as  easj'  as  possible  for  them  by  his  own  services 
and  those  of  his  soldiers.  This  being  accomplished,  all  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Cathedral,  where  the  men  of  the  Junta,  after 
taking  the  oath  of  fidelit)'  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties  and 
in  supporting  the  plan  of  Iguala,  elected  Iturbide  as  their  pres- 
ident. The  first  work  of  the  Junta  Soberana  was  the  wording 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  their  country'.  We 
translate  this  document  from  the  original  copy  which  was  sent 
to  Santa  Fe  for  publication  in  all  the  churches  of  the  province. 

"Acta  de  Independencia  del  Imperio: 

"The  Mexican  Nation,  which  for  three  hundred  years,  has 
had  neither  its  own  will  nor  the  free  use  of  speech,  emerges  to- 
day from  the  oppression  in  which  it  has  lived." 

"The  heroic  efforts  of  its  sons  have  been  crowned  and 
perfected  by  the  never-to-be-forgotten  attempt  which  a  genius 
superior  to  all  admiration  and  encomium,  the  love  and  the 
glory  of  his  countr>%  started  from  Iguala,  and  urged  through 
almost  insuperable  difficulties  to  a  successful  termination." 

'  'This  northern  portion  of  the  land  on  which  we  live  being 
then  reinstated  in  the  exercise  of  all  the  rights  the  author  of 
the  world  conceded  to  it,  and  which  are  acknowledged  as 
inalienable  and  sacred  by  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth,  as 
that  of  constituting  itself,   as  best  it  ma^--  deem  convenient  for 


The  First  Mexican  Empire.  155 

its  own  felicit}',  with  representatives  who  can  manifest  its  will 
and  intentions,  commences  to  make  use  of  these  precious  gifts, 
and  solemnly  declares  through  the  official  action  of  the  Junta 
Suprema  del  Imperio,  that  it  is  a  sovereign  Nation,  independent 
of  Old  Spain,  with  which,  in  the  future,  it  will  keep  no  other 
bond  of  union  but  that  of  a  friendship  regulated  by  the  nature 
of  the  treaties  that  may  exist;  that  our  Nation  will  establish  a 
friendly  intercourse  with  the  other  powers,  as  is  customary 
between  sovereign  nations;  that  it  constitutes  itself  in  conformity 
with  the  bases  w^hich  were  wisely  established  in  the  Plan  of 
Iguala  and  the  treat}'  of  Cordova  by  the  first  commandant  of 
the  imperial  arm^^  of  the  Three  Guarantees;  and  finally,  that  it 
will  support,  at  all  risk  and  with  the  sacrifice  of  the  property 
and  lives  of  the  individuals,  if  need  be,  this  solemn  declaration , 
made  in  the  Capital  of  the  Empire,  this  28th  day  of  September 
of  the  year  1821,  the  first  of  the  Mexican  Independence." 
(Signed  b}')  : 

Agustin  de  Iturbide,  Antonio,  Obispo  de  la  Puebla,  Juan 
O'Donoju,  Manuel  de  la  Barcena,  Matias  Monteagudo,  Isidro 
Yailez,  lyic.  Juan  Fransisco  de  Azcarate,  Juan  Jose  Espinosa 
de  los  Monteros,  Jose  Maria  Fagoaga,  Jose  Miguel  Guridix 
Alcozar,  El  Marques  de  Salvatierra,  El  Conde  de  Casa  de  Heras 
Soto,  Juan  Bautista  Eobo,  Fransisco  Manuel  Sanchez  de  Tagle, 
Antonio  de  Gama}^  Cordova,  Jose  Manuel  Sartorio,  Manuel 
Velasquez  de  Eeon,  Manuel  Montes  Arguelles,  Manuel  de  la 
Soto  Riva,  El  Marques  de  San  Juan  de  Rayas,  Jose  Ignacio 
Garcia  Illueca,  Jose  Maria  de  Bustamante,  Jose  Maria  Cervantes  y 
Velasco,  Juan  Cerv^antesy  Padilla,  Jose  Manuel  Velasquez  de  la 
Cadena,  Juan  de  Horbegoso,  Nicolas  Campero,  El  Conda  de 
Jala  y  de  Regla,  Jose  Maria  de  Echevers  y  Valdivielso,  Manuel 
Martinez  Mansilla,  Juan  Bautista  Raz  y  Gusman,  Jose  Maria 
Jauredi,  Jose  Rafael  Suarez  Pereda,  Anastasio  Bustamante, 
Isidro  Ignacio  de  Icaza,  Juan  Jose  Espinosa  de  los  Monteros, 
Vocal  Secretario. 

After  this  declaration  orders  were  given  by  the  Junta 
Soberana  del  Imperio  for  its  publication,  and  for  receiving 
the  oath  from  all  the  authorities,  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  in  all 
the  principal  populations  of  the  independent  country.  The 
oath  was  administered  by  the  Jefe  politico,  political  chief,  where 


156  The  First  Mexican  Empire, 

this  official  existed,  or  in  defect  of  this  official  by  the  alcalde,  in 
the  following  manner  :  "Do  you  acknowledge  the  sovereignty- 
of  this  empire  represented  by  the  Junta  Gubernativa?"  "I 
do."  "Do  you  swear  obedience  to  its  decrees  and  adherence 
to  the  guarantees  proclaimed  at  Iguala  b}^  the  army  of  the 
Mexican  Empire,  and  to  the  treaties  celebrated  in  the  city  of 
Cordova,  and  to  faithfulty  give  3'our  services  to  the  Nation?" 
"I  do  swear."     "If  so,  so  help  you  God." 

The  Spaniards  refused  to  take  the  oath  and  begged  to 
leave  the  country,  which  favor  was  refused  to  them  for  fear 
they  might  promote  some  counter  revolution,  while  in  Spain, 
against  the  new^  empire,  before  it  could  be  sufficiently  established 
to  protect  itself.  There  appeared  then  three  different  political 
parties  among  the  people  of  the  capital  as  to  the  form  of  govern- 
ment that  should  be  definitely  accepted.  The  Bourbonists  were 
discountenanced  by  the  decree  rendered  on  the  1 3th  of  February 
1822,  by  the  Cortes  of  Spain,  declaring  null  and  void  the  treaties 
of  Cordova,  in  regard  to  the  government  and  its  subjects. 
Then  remained  the  Republican  and  Iturbidist  parties,  between 
which  the  Bourbonists  distributed  themselves.  The  last  men- 
tioned had  the  support  of  the  army,  and  that  of  the  majority 
of  the  people,  who  were  anxious  to  see  the  question  brought  to 
an  end  and  repeatedl}^  manifested  their  choice  by  the  ciy  of: 
"Viva  Agustin  !" 

This  took  place  on  the  i8th  of  May,  1822,  and  Iturbide 
was  crowned  the  21st  of  the  same  month  in  the  Cathedral  with 
an  immense  concourse  of  people  and  splendid  ceremonies.  At 
the  end  of  the  Pontifical  mass  and  of  the  consecration,  the 
bishop  exclaimed:  "Vivat  Imperator,  vivat  in  aetenium !" 
"Long  live  the  Emperor,"  which  was  echoed  by  the  audience 
in  the  w^ords :  "Vivan  por  muchos  aflos  el  Emperador  y  la 
Emperatiz  !" 

The  following  decree  was  promtdgated  the  same  year  bj^ 
order  of  the  Emperor  : 

"Imperial  Decree  :  Agustin,  bj^  Divine  Providence  and 
the  Congress  of  the  Nation,  constitutional  Emperor  of  Mexico, 
to  all  who  may  see  these  letters  or  may  be  apprised  of  their 
contents,  be  it  known  that  the  Sovereign  Constituent  Mexican 
Congress  has  decreed  as  foUows  : 


The  First  Mexican  Empire.  157 

The  Sovereign  Constituent  Mexican  Congress,  in  order  to 
duly  comply  with  the  requirements  of  Article  12  of  the  Plan 
of  Iguala,  which  is  one  of  those  constituting  the  social  basis  of 
our  Independence,  has  come  to  decree,  and  has  decreed  :  ( i ) 
That  in  the  records,  public  or  private  documents,  there  be  no 
mention  of  classes  attached  to  the  names  of  the  citizens  of  this 
Empire.  (2)  That  the  same  rule  be  observed  in  the  church  regis- 
ters, though  the  tributes  already  established,  according  to  the 
classes  af  the  people,  for  the  support  of  the  priests  and  of  divine 
worship,  shall  be  followed  as  they  are,  until  more  satisfactory 
provision  can  be  made  for  the  maintenance  of  religious  ser\dce. 

Mexico,  September  17th,  of  the  year  1822,  and  the  second 
of  the  Independence  of  this  Empire.     Signed  : 

Jose  Cirilo  Gomez  Anaya,  Presidente. 
pRECiLiANO  Sanchez,  Secretario  Diputado." 

The  same  year  the  independence  of  Mexico  was  recognized 
by  the  United  States,  whose  Congress,  in  1823,  accepted  the 
"Monroe  doctrine"  which  declared  that  any  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  European  powers  to  extend  their  authority  to  the 
Western  Hemisphere,  should  be  considered  dangerous  to  the 
welfare  of  the  United  States  Government.  This  declaration  was 
made  in  the  proper  time  to  put  an  obstacle  to  the  projects  the 
King  of  Spain  might  have  entertained  to  bring  the  separated 
colonies  again  under  his  authority. 

A  short  time  after  Iturbide  had  ascended  the  throne  of 
Mexico,  the  rumor  spread  of  a  revolution  brewing  all  over  the 
country.  The  Emperor  did  not  take  notice  of  it.  Moreover, 
the  Congress  of  the  Nation  could  not  agree  about  supplying  the 
expenses  which  the  imperial  administration  required,  and  this 
was  a  potent  reason  for  the  poor  people  to  embrace  the  cause 
of  the  republican  government.  Meanwhile,  this  party  was 
gaining  ground  every  day,  and  when  the  Emperor  realized  his 
position  and  thought  of  making  resistance,  he  found  out  that 
the  army  had  already,  in  great  part,  deserted  his  flag.  He 
then  offered  his  resignation  in  order  to  avoid  a  useless  effusion 
of  blood. 

The  matter  having  been  considered  by  a  committee  ap- 
pointed for  the  purpose,  the  resignation  was  accepted  and  an 
annual  pension  of  ^25,000  was  accorded  to  Iturbide  in  consid- 


158  The  First  Mexican  E>rpnrE-. 

eration  of  his  services  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution,  as  long:  as 
he  should  remain  in  Itah',  where  he  was  ordered  to  go.  The 
same  committee  declared  that  the  nomination  of  Iturbide  as 
Emperor  of  Mexico  was  null,  as  having  been  imposed  by  force^ 
and  null  also  the  Plan  of  Iguala  and  the  treaties  of  Cordova  as 
opposed  to  the  rights  of  the  Nation  in  regard  to  selecting  the 
form  of  its  government. 

This  took  place  in  the  beginning  of  May,  1S23.  From 
Livorno,  where  the  Emperor  had  taken  his  residence,  he  went 
to  England  in  January,  1824,  where  he  heard  that  a  revolution 
was  prepared  in  Spain  against  Mexico.  This  he  wrote  to  the 
Mexican  Congress,  offering,  at  the  same  time,  his  services  for 
the  protection  of  his  countn,'.  The  ans^ver  was  not  only  a  re- 
fusal of  the  offer,  but  a  decree  by  which  Iturbide  was  declared 
an  outlaw.  In  his  anxiety  to  find  an  opportunity  to  exert  his 
natural  activity,  and  perhaps,  trusting  that  his  country-men 
would  call  him  again  to  take  the  reins  of  government,  he- 
started  at  once,  without  waiting  for  an  answer  to  his  letter, 
and  reached  the  port  of  Soto  la  Marina  on  the  r4tb  of  May, 
1824,  There  he  was  apprised  by  General  Garza  that  he  was 
proscribed,  and  on  the  17th,  was  notified  bj"  an  adjutant  that 
he  should  prepare  for  death,  as  he  was  to  be  shot  at  three 
o'clock  of  the  same  day.  Without  showing  an}'  emotion,. 
Iturbide  replied  :  "Tell  General  Garza  that  I  am  ready  to  die,, 
if  he  only  gives  me  three  da^'S  to  make  m}^ peace  \\ith  God." 

H.  H.  Bancroft  (i),  from  whom  we  have  taken  our  in- 
formation about  the  fall  of  the  Mexican  Empire,  does  not  state 
whether  the  short  delay  asked  for  b}^  the  doomed  great  patriot 
was  accorded  to  him  or  not,  but  be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  well 
known  that  the  Emperor  submitted  to  the  unmerited  sentence 
and  died  Like  a  brave  soldier  and  a  good  Christian. 


(1)    Historia  de  Mexico. 


'CHAPTER  It. 
Xa  Republica  de  Mexico. 

The  short  lived  Mexican  Empire  was  succeeded  by  thfe 
IblepubHc,  which  had  been  prematurely  proclaimed  by  General 
Santa  Ana  in  Decembet  1822  ;  but  it  did  not  take  the  shape 
-of  a  government  until  1824,  when  a  constitution^  much  like 
■that  of  the  United  States  of  America,  was  adopted  under  the 
presidency  of  Guadalupe  Victoria.  The  name  which  was  given 
the  new  republic  was  :  "La  Republica  Federal  de  los  Estados 
Unidos  de  Mexico."  Its  fundamental  chart  was  published  on 
the  4th  of  October  1824.  This  same  day ^  as  also  the  i6th  af 
September,  which  marked  in  1810  the  beginning  of  revolution 
■against  the  government  of  .Spain,  have  been  since  kept  as 
national  holidays. 

The  presidential  term  of  Victoria,  though  opened  under 
favorable  auspices,  and  greeted  by  the  majority  of  the  people^ 
was  far  from  being  free  from  troubles.  Two  political  parties, 
supported  by  the  masonic  lodges  of  England  and  of  Scotland, 
tried  to  overthrow  the  established  government,  but  failed  in 
their  attempts  owing  to  the  vigilant  activity  of  the  President  in 
repressing  rebellious  movements.  These  party  divisions 
opposing  the  3'oung  Mexican  republic  were  the  prelude  of  the 
almost  numberless  revolutions  which  were  to  desolate  the 
country  for  half  a  century. 

For  a  period  of  ten  years  from  the  fall  of  the  Spanish 
government  in  Mexico,  the  Church  had  not  to  suffer,  except 
from  the  revolutions,  which  alienated  from  her  many  influential 
citizens  by  placing  them  in  contact  wdth  party  leaders  connected 


160  La  Eepcblica  de  Mexico. 

with  the  lodges.  It  was  to  remedy  this  evil  that  the  ecclesi- 
astical authority  made  new  efforts  to  propagate  civil  and 
rehgious  instructions  among  the  clergy  and  among  the  masses  of 
the  people. 

This  commendable  movement,  as  w^e  see  by  the  Church 
records,  reached  Xew  Mexico  in  the  year  1826,  when  on  the 
19th  of  May,  a  college  was  opened  in  Santa  Fe  under  the  pro- 
tection and  direction  of  the  Vicario  General,  for  the  instruction 
of  the  young  men.  The  same  daj'  permission  was  received 
from  Durango  for  the  erection  of  a  chapel  in  the  town  of  San 
Jose  del  Bado.  It  was  also  in  1826  that  the  missions  of  Taos, 
San  Juan,  Abiquin,  Belen  and  San  Miguel  del  Bado  were  made 
parishes  and  provided  with  secular  priests.  The  capilla  of  our 
Lady  in  Guadalupe  in  San  Fernando  de  Taos  was  declared  at 
the  same  time  an  annex  to  the  Church  of  San  Geronimo. 

At  the  same  epoch,  b}-  order  of  the  Vicar  Capitular  of 
Durango,  the  See  being  vacant,  the  Vicar  General  of  the  diocese, 
Don  Augustin  Fernandez,  made  the  pastoral  visitation  of  the 
missions  of  New  Mexico.  In  his  report,  a  copj'  of  which  has 
been  kept  in  the  church  records,  he  describes  the  old  St.  Francis 
Church,  Santa  Fe,  thus  :  "An  adobe  building  54  yards  long  by 
9^  in  width,  with  two  small  towers  not  provided  with  crosses, 
one  containing  two  bells  and  the  other  empt}';  the  church  being 
covered  with  a  flat  clay  terrace.  Inside,  communicating  mth  the 
'crucero'  (the  place  where  a  church  takes  the  form  of  a  cross  by 
the  side  chapels)  are  two  large  separate  chapels,  the  one  on  the 
north  side  dedicated  to  our  Lady  of  the  Rosar>',  called  also  'la 
Conquistadora',  and  on  the  south  side  the  other  dedicated  to  St. 
Joseph."  ( I )  The  chapel  of  Our  Lady  of  Light,  known  also  by 
the  name  of  'La  Castrense',  military'  church,  that  of  our  Lady  of 
the  Rosar>^  some  distance  north  out  of  the  city,  and  that  of  our 
Lady  of  Guadalupe  were  visited  at  the  same  time.  After  the 
visit  of  the  parochial  church  and  public  chapels  of  the  city,  the 
Vicar  General  visited  the  following  private  oratories  :  One  in 
the  house  of  Don  Antonio  Ortiz,  that  of  the  Holy  Trinitj'  in 
the  house  of  Juan  Bautista  Virgil,  and  that  of  San  Jose  in  the 


(1)  This  church  was  demolished,  with  the  exception  of  two  large  chapels 
and  the  old  sanctuary,  to  build  the  new  stone  Cathedral  which  was  commenced  in 
1870. 


La  Eepublica  de  Mexico.  161 

house  of  Pablo  Montoya,  which  were  found  to  be  in  all  the 
conditions  which  had  been  required  for  their  concession  from 
the  ecclesiastical  authority. 

The  last  chapel  visited  in  the  city  was  that  of  the  Third 
Order  of  St.  Francis,  adjoining  the  parochial  church  on  its 
southern  side.  As  it  was  found  lacking  everything  required 
for  the  celebration  of  the  mass,  the  document  of  its  concession 
was  annulled  by  the  Vicar  General,  and  orders  given  to  the  parish 
priest,  the  Rev.  Juan  Tomas  Terrazas,  not  to  celebrate  any 
more  in  it. 

The  Vicar  General  at  the  end  of  his  report  complains,  as 
did  Visitor  Guevara  in  1817,  that  the  Regulars  refused  to  give 
obedience  to  the  decrees  and  dispositions  of  the  bishop,  induced 
to  it  by  the  Father  Custodio  of  Santa  Fe,  Fray  Sebastian  Al- 
varez, and  by  the  Political  Chief,  Don  Antonio  Narbona.  As 
regards  the  Third  Order  of  St.  Francis  just  spoken  of,  it  will 
not  be  out  of  the  way  to  give  here  about  it  some  details  which  we 
extract  from  one  of  the  old  manuscripts  of  the  Cathedral.  Ac- 
cording to  this  document,  this  Order,  which  was  known  also  by 
the  name  of  "I/a  Tercera  Orden  de  Penitencia,"  was  established 
in  Santa  Fe  and  in  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Canada,  between  the  dates 
1692  and  1695,  under  the  administration  of  Governor  Vargas. 
As  it  was  a  Franciscan  institution  which,  by  its  constitution, 
could  be  governed  only  by  priests  of  the  Order,  it  ceased  to 
have  a  canonical  existence  in  New  Mexico  when  the  Francis- 
can Fathers  were  succeeded  by  secular  priests  in  the  missions. 
Besides  the  devotions  practiced  by  the  members  of  the  Order, 
privately  or  under  the  direction  of  some  of  the  religious,  they 
had  festivities  and  processions  which  were  publicly  celebrated. 
These  were  the  feast  of  St.  L,ouis,  King  of  France,  and  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception,  which  were  their  patronal  feasts. 
Moreover,  they  had  a  special  high  mass  sung  on  every  second 
Sunday  of  the  month  for  their  particular  intention  ;  this  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  procession  at  which  they  marched  wearing  the  habit 
of  the  Franciscan  Order,  which  they  were  allowed  also  to  use 
in  the  chiurch  during  the  exercises  of  Holy  Week.     ( i ) 

There  is  now  in  New  Mexico  a  society  of  men  who  call 
themselves  "IvOS  Penitentes"  or  "Los  Miembrosde  la  Herman- 

(1)    The  original  document  will  be  given  in  full  in  the  appendix. 

11 


162  La  Repcblica  de  Mexico. 

dad,"  which  must  have  come  from  the  Third  Order  of  St. 
Francis,  but  so  different  from  it  that  no  relationship  can  be 
traced  between  the  two.  The  first  was  a  true  religious  Order 
authorized  by  the  Church,  and  one  whose  members  were  placed 
under  the  direction  of  the  Franciscan  Fathers,  while  the  second, 
though  an  offshoot  of  the  same,  has  so  degenerated  that  it  is 
nothing  to-day  but  an  anomalous  body  of  simple  credulous 
men,  under  the  guidance  of  some  unscrupulous  politicians. 
Their  leaders  encourage  them,  despite  the  admonitions  of  the 
Church,  in  the  practice  of  their  unbecoming  so-called  devotions, 
in  order  to  secure  their  votes  for  the  times  of  political  elections. 

As  we  had,  a  few  j^ears  ago,  the  opportunity  of  traveling 
with  an  old  resident  of  Santa  Fe,  who  had  been  a  member  of 
the  Third  Order  under  the  administration  of  the  Franciscan 
Fathers,  we  asked  him  if  the  "Penitentes"  we  had  now  in  Xew 
Mexico  were  the  remnants  of  the  Terciarios.  "Estos  diablos 
(these  devils),"  said  the  old  gentleman,  indignantly,  (his  name 
we  remember  was  N de  la  Pena)  "I  disown  them  as  mem- 
bers of  the  Order  to  which  I  was  aflEiliated  as  long  as  it  lasted 
in  this  country,  w^hen  I  was  a  3^oung  man.  The  Penitentes,  it 
is  true,  have  framed  a  constitution  somewhat  resembling  that 
of  the  Third  Order,  but  entirely  suited  to  their  own  political 
views.  In  fact,  they  have  but  self-constituted  superiors ;  they 
do  what  they  please  and  accomplish  nothing  good. ' ' 

The  Penitentes,  who  w^ere  formerly'  distributed  mostly  over 
the  whole  territory  of  New  Mexico,  have,  since  1850,  retreated 
towards  the  north,  especially  in  the  counties  of  San  Miguel,  Mora, 
Rio  Arriba  and  Taos,  where  they  have  the  darkness  of  the  woods 
to  add  more  myster)'^  to  their  nocturnal  performances.  The^^  were 
divided  into  two  classes  of  members  :  Those  of  "La  Luz,"  The 
Light,  consisting  of  the  "Hermano  Mayor,"  Chief  Brother,  and 
other  directors  with  particular  titles,  and  the  common 
brothers  called  "De  Las  Tinieblas, "  or  Of  The  Darkness.  The 
men  of  the  light  wore  their  dress,  w^hile  those  of  the  darkness 
had  their  faces  covered  and  no  other  clothing  but  light  trousers. 
This  arrangement  made  in  the  "morada,"  the  private  meeting 
hall  of  the  Penitentes,  the  roles  to  be  performed  publicly  were 
distributed ;  these  were  the  flagellation,  the  carrying  of  the 
crosses,  the  singing,  etc.     Those  who  had  to  flagellate  them- 


La  Republica  de  Mexico.  163 

selves  were  furnished  with  a  scourge  terminating  sometimes  in 
a  prickly  pear  articulation  (cactus  opuntia),  or  some  pad  of 
heavy  and  coarse  stuff.  The  cross  bearers  were  furnished  with 
heavy  and  rude  crosses.  Another  preparation,  and  the  pro- 
cession was  ready  to  start.  It  consisted  of  the  rubbing  with  a 
piece  of  flint  of  the  skin  of  the  flagellants  at  the  place  the  lash 
would  strike,  in  order  to  have  some  flowing  of  blood  without  too 
much  inj  ury  to  the  body.  This  operation  was  performed  by  the 
"Hermano  Caritativo,"  Charitable  Brother  of  the  association. 

At  this  time  the  procession  emerged  from  the  '  'morada' ' 
to  go  to  a  designated  place  where  a  cross  had  been  planted  for 
the  occasion.  The  order  of  the  procession  was  the  following  : 
First,  the  "flagellantes,"  next  the  cross  beartrs  and  the  direc- 
tors .chanting  in  a  low  tone  the  psalm  "Miserere"  with  accom- 
paniment of  the  rattling  of  iron  chains  dragged  on  the  grovmd, 
and  of  a  cracked  flute,  all  this  producing  a  kind  of  infernal 
harmon}'.  We  have  seen  and  heard  it  a  couple  of  times,  and 
the  most  astonishing  feature  of  the  ceremony  was  to  see  it  fol- 
lowed by  numerous  good  old  women  devoutly  sa3'ing  their 
beads. 

We  will  overlook  in  this  wTiting  many  strange  accounts 
that  the  newspapers  give  from  time  to  time  of  the  cere- 
monies and  performances  of  the  Penitentes,  like  the  crucifixion 
of  one  of  the  brothers,  which  on  certain  occasions  have, 
they  say,  caused  the  death  of  the  victim.  From  1859  until  1866 
when  we  lived  in  New  Mexico,  we  never  heard  of  such  criminal 
extravagances. 

The  processions  of  the  Penitentes  took  place  on  everj'  Fri- 
day in  L,ent,  and  on  the  three  last  days  of  Holy  Week, 
and  these  were  never  countenanced  by  the  Church  ;  on  the 
contrary',  since  there  have  been  bishops  in  New  Mexico,  they 
have  denounced  the  practice  and  made  of  it  the  subject  of  some 
very  strong  circulars.  Little  by  little,  heed  has  been  given  to 
the  voice  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  at  the  present  date, 
there  are  only  a  few  interested  men  who  are  trying  to  keep 
alive  yet  the  old  association. 

The  governors  of  New^  Mexico  took  the  name  of  Political 
Chiefs  under  the  Mexican  rule.  The  first  one,  Francisco  Xavier 
Chavez,  was  appointed  on  the  5th  of  July,    1822.     In  1823  he 


164  La  Republica  de  Mexico. 

was  succeeded  by  Bartolome  Vaca.  In  1824  New  Mexico  was? 
made  a  territorj^  and  governed  in  1825  and  1826  by  Antonia 
Narbona,  who  had  Manuel  Armijo  as  successor  in  1827,  In 
1828  Armijo  was  succeeded  by  Jose  Antonio  Chavez.  It  was 
during  the  administration  of  Chavez  that  the  Spaniards  were 
expelled  from  the  territory,  pursuant  to  the  law  of  proscription 
enacted  against  them,  the  year  before,  by  the  Congress  of 
Mexico.  This  was  the  cause  of  serious  troubles  and  difficulties 
for  the  old  settlers  of  the  country,  who  were  given  the  alterna- 
tive either  of  losing  the  homes  they  had  acquired  by  their 
swords  and  their  blood,  or  of  accepting  Mexican  citizenship  in 
order  to  save  them.  As  regards  the  Church,  the  same  law  de- 
prived her  of  almost  all  the  Spanish  missionaries.  As  a  means 
of  filling  the  vacancies  made  in  the  missions  b}^  the  expulsion 
of  the  Spanish  priests,  who  refused  to  register  as  Mexican  citi- 
zens, the  Vicar  Capit^ar,  Jose  Ignacio  Iturribarra,  convoked, 
sede  vacante,  the  priests  of  the  diocese  of  Durango  to  a  theolog- 
ical concursus,  to  fill  the  vacant  churches. 

In  1829,  as  we  quote  from  Haines,  already  mentioned  in 
these  pages  :  "Bent's  Fort,  one  of  the  first  examples  of  Ameri- 
can enterprise  in  New  Mexico,  was  built  on  the  Arkansas  ;  it 
was  180  feet  long  and  30  feet  wnde,  the  walls,  which  w^ere  of 
adobe,  were  15  feet  high  and  4  feet  thick.  This  fort  became 
one  of  the  most  celebrated  trading  posts  on  the  frontier,  the 
gathering  place  of  hunters,  trappers,  traders,  and  team- 
sters." 

It  was  indeed  a  profitable  enterprise  to  the  Americans,  but 
a  very  detrimental  one  to  the  Mexicans,  as  it  caused  the 
slaughtering  on  a  large  scale  of  the  buffalo  herds,  on  which, 
not  only  the  Indians,  but  many  poor  Mexican  families  were 
living.  Neither  the  Indians  nor  the  Mexicans  who  killed  by 
the  wholesale  the  animals  of  the  prairies,  to  sell  the  hides  to 
the  Americans,  thought,  at  that  time,  that  for  some  whisky,  or 
clothing  of  the  poorest  quality,  they  were  working  for  the  de- 
struction of  one  of  their  best  means  of  support. 

In  1 83 1  permission  was  given  by  the  bishop  of  Durango 
for  the  construction  of  a  chapel  in  the  tow^n  of  la  Cuesta,  on 
the  Pecos  river,  and  of  another  at  Pena  Blanca,  at  the  re- 
quest of  Juan  Antonio  Cabeza  de  Vaca. 


La  Republica  de  Mexico.  165 

The  same  year,  Don  Santiago  Abreu  was  appointed  Politi- 
cal Chief  of  the  territory. 

In  1832  the  Rev.  Juan  Felipe  Ortiz,  a  native  of  Santa  Fe, 
and  descendant  of  the  old  Spanish  family  of  that  name,  was 
appointed  Vicar  General  Forane  of  the  territory. 

In  1833  Francisco  Saracino  succeeded  Abreu  as  Political 
Chief.  In  the  same  year  the  Congress  of  Mexico,  under  the 
influence  of  the  Masonic  element  that  prevailed  in  the  higher 
classes  of  the  people,  enacted  laws  abolishing  convents  and  cur- 
tailing the  means  of  support  for  the  churches  and  clergy. 
Then  commenced  the  work  of  a  system  which,  restricting  the  in- 
fluence of  the  clergy,  was  to  destroy  the  institutions  of  the 
former  government,  instead  of  improving  them,  as  was  promised 
and  loudly  announced. 

In  the  same  year,  the  bishop  of  Durango,  Don  Jose  An- 
tonio Zubiria,  visited  the  parishes  of  New  Mexico.  His  lyord- 
ship,  while  in  the  villa  of  Santa  Fe,  found  that  the  parochial 
church,  though  the  first  established  in  the  city,  and  the  head 
of  all  the  others  in  the  territory,  was  entirely  destitute  of  suitable 
vestments  for  the  celebration  of  the  holy  sacrifice,  and  intimated 
iiis  wish  of  a  contribution  from  the  faithful  to  provide  for  this 
want 


CHAPTER  irr. 

The  New  Mexico  People  Rebel  Against  the  Govern- 
ment. 

In  1837  Xew  Mexico  was  made  a  department  instead  of  a 
territory'-,  as  before,  and  Don  Albino  Perez  was  appointed  its 
governor.  The  administration  of  Perez  was  opposed  at  once 
by  the  people,  and  especially'  b}-  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern 
part  of  the  territory.  Their  dissatisfaction  was  caused  by  the 
taxes  required  for  the  support  of  the  department,  and  which 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  governor  to  see  paid.  Hence  arose  a  bad 
feeling  which  manifested  itself  all  over  the  territory',  and  cul- 
minated in  an  open  insurrection  on  the  ist  of  August  of  the 
same  year.  The  discontented  people  gathered  at  Santa  Cruz 
wnth  the  Indians  of  the  surrounding  pueblos. 

On  the  3d  of  August  they  issued  and  circulated  the  follow- 
ing declaration,  which  we  quote  from  Governor  Prince  :    ( i ) 

"For  God  and  the  Nation  and  the  Faith  of  Jesus  Christ ! 
The  principal  points  we  defend  are  the  following  :  i .  To 
be  with  God  and  the  Nation  and  the  Faith  of  Jesus  Christ.  2. 
To  defend  our  countr>^  until  we  shed  every  drop  of  our  blood 
in  order  to  obtain  the  %nctor3'  we  have  in  view.  3.  Not  to 
admit  the  Department  Plan.  4.  Not  to  admit  any  tax.  5.  Not 
to  admit  any  disorder  desired  by  those  who  are  attempting  to 
procure  it.  God  and  the  Nation  !  Encampment  Santa  Cruz 
de  la  Canada,  August  3d,  1837." 


(1)    Historical  Sketches  of  New  Mexico.    Laggats  Bros.,  Chambers  street,  Mew 
York,  1883. 


1!?EW  Mexico  Hebels  Against  Mexico.  167 

As  soon  as  Governor  Perez  heard  of  the  rebellion,  he  tried 
to  raise  as  many  militia  and  volunteers  as  could  be  had  to 
swell  the  scanty  number  of  his  troops,  but  his  call  did  not 
meet  with  an  encouraging  answer.  He  started,  however,  with 
the  force  he  had  at  his  command,  and  met  the  rebels  near  San 
Ildefonso.  At  this  point  the  governor  was  abandoned  by  nearly 
all  his  men,  who  passed  over  to  the  ranks  of  his  opponents  ;  and 
all  he  could  do  was  to  retrace  his  steps  toward  Santa  Fe  with 
the  few  men  who  had  remained  faithful  to  him.  Among  these 
were  lyieutenant  Miguel  Sena,  Sergeant  Sais  and  lyoreto 
Romero,  w^ho  were  killed  in  their  flight  near  the  "Puertecito"  of 
Pohuaque,  by  the  revolutionists.  Not  finding  security  in  the 
capital,  Governor  Perez  left  the  city  by  night  to  go  south,  but 
was  met  by  the  Santo  Domingo  Indians,  who  killed  him  near 
Agua  Fria,  in  the  house  of  Salvador  Martinez  where  he  had 
sought  refuge.  The  rebels  cut  off  his  head,  and  carried  it  to 
their  headquarters  near  the  chapel  of  the  Rosario,  north  of  Santa 
Fe.  On  the  same  day,  Jesus  Maria  Alarid,  secretary  of  the 
department,  and  Santiago  Abreu,  formerly  governor  ad  interim, 
were  killed  on  the  "Mesa"  a  few  miles  south  of  Agua  Fria. 
The  place  where  their  dead  bodies  were  found  is  still  marked 
by  two  mounds  of  rocks,  called  the  '  'decansos,"  the  resting  place, 
of  Los  Abreus.  Ramon  Abreu  and  his  brother  Marcelino,  with 
Lieutenant  Madrigal,  met  also  the  end  of  their  career  at  Pala- 
cios,  on  the  same  road  from  Agua  Fria  to  Santo  Domingo. 
These  bloody  operations  took  place  on  the  9th  day  of  August. 

The  insurgents  entered  the  capital  the  same  day,  and  placed 
Jose  Gonzales,  a  Mexican  from  Taos,  in  possession  of  the  palace, 
as  governor  of  the  territory. 

At  this  period  Manuel  Armijo  organized  a  counter-revolu- 
tion in  the  southern  counties  and  marched  toward  Santa  Fe 
with  a  considerable  force.  "There,"  said  to  us  Juan  Ramon 
Pacheco,  an  old  man  who  lives  at  the  present  time  a  short  dis- 
tance above  the  pueblo  de  San  Juan,  "Armijo  had  not  to  fight 
to  take  possession  of  the  palace,  as  Gonzales  had  gone  to  Taos 
to  visit  his  family  and  see  about  his  crops."  While  in  Santa  Fe 
Armijo  wrote  to  Mexico,  stating  what  he  had  done  in  support 
of  the  government,  and  asking  for  troops  to  complete  his  vic- 
tory and  re-establish  peace  in  the  department.     His  petition 


168  New  Mexico  Rebels  Against  Mexico. 

ha\'ing  been  granted,  troops  were  sent  to  him  from  Zacatecas 
and  Chihuahua,  and  in  January  of  1838  he  marched  to  Santa 
Cruz,  where  Gonzales  was  gathering  his  forces  to  come  again 
to  Santa  Fe.  Here  Juan  Ramon  Pacheco  j^et  recalls  that  "the 
two  armies  met  between  Santa  Cruz  and  the  Puertecito  of 
Pohuaque.  There  Armijo  lost  eight  of  his  soldiers,  while  on 
the  other  side  only  one  man,  an  Indian  of  Ildefonso,  was  killed. 
The  fight,  however,  commenced  again,  and  at  last  the  victory 
remained  with  Armijo.  Gonzales  fled  to  Santa  Cruz  where, 
by  order  of  the  victor,  he  was  hanged  with  Antonio  Lopez. 
The  execution  took  place  in  the  public  square  in  front  of  the 
Church." 

"Those  who  had  promoted  the  rebellion  were  Juan  Jose 
Esquivel,  the  Alcalde  of  Santa  Cruz,  Juan  Vigil,  the  two  broth- 
ers Antonio  and  Desiderio  Montoya,  who  were  shot  at  the 
"Garita,"  guard  house  of  Santa  Fe,  and  Antonio  Virgil,  who 
was  hanged  at  the  junction  of  the  Nambe  road  with  that  of 
Santa  Fe  going  to  Santa  Cruz."  Thus  ended  the  rebellion, 
and  in  turn  for  his  services,  Armijo  was  made  governor  for  the 
second  time. 

This,  the  second  term  of  Armijo,  was  several  times  made 
one  of  anxiety  and  fears  by  the  presence  of  Americans  in  the 
territory,  and  by  the  expeditions  through  it  of  several  parties 
of  Texans  who  tried  to  induce  the  New  Mexicans  to  revolt 
against  their  government.  The  governor  took  some  appro- 
priate measures  to  stop  these  stealthy  incursions  into  his  terri- 
tory, and,  at  the  same  time,  sent  an  appeal  to  the  people  to 
warn  them  against  the  false  promises  of  the  adventurers  from 
Texas,  and  to  show  them  that  they  had  no  reason  for  complaint 
against  their  government.  We  translate  from  the  original 
document : 

'  'The  Governor  and  Commandant  of  New  Mexico  to  its 
inhabitants : 

"New  Mexicans  :  The  well-known  benignity  which,  in  all 
times  and  circumstances,  has  characterized  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment, and  which  he  who  has  the  honor  to  address  you 
as  Governor  and  Commandant  General  of  this  department,  has 
taken  for  the  rule  of  his  conduct,  makes  me  firmly  believe 
that,  if  some  of  you,  giving  credence  to  false  promises,  have  en- 


New  Mexico  Rebels  Against  Mexico.  169 

gaged  themselves  to  support  those  who  govern  in  Texas,  in  any 
attempt  against  Mexico,  they  will  remember  what  they  owe  to 
their  government,  no  matter  in  what  form  it  may  have  been  taken. 
By  so  doing  they  will  assert  anew  their  patriotism  and  fealty  to 
the  paternal  government  of  the  Republic,  in  the  name  of  which, 
and  under  my  word  of  honor,  I  promise  to  pardon  them  and  to 
reinstate  them  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  all  their  rights  as  citi- 
zens and  heirs  to  the  patrimony  left  to  them  by  their  ancestors. ' ' 

"No,  my  dear  countrymen,  there  is  no  reason  for  us  to' 
fear,  and  less  to  believe  that  any  of  us,  at  the  risk  of  losing  our 
religion,  our  native  land  and  property,  would  hesitate  even 
for  an  instant  to  surround  our  national  flag  and  fight  for  it, 
no  matter  at  what  cost,  rather  than  to  take  part  with  those  am- 
bitious traitors,  the  Texans  and  their  supporters." 
Your  Countryman  and  Chief, 

(Signed)     Manuel  Armijo. 
NuEVO  Mexico,  Setiembre  13  de  1841."     (i) 

Whether  the  appeal  of  Governor  Armijo  had  much  effect 
or  not  on  the  Mexican  population  of  the  department,  is  not 
known,  but  the  fact  is  that  the  Americans  had  trading  posts  on 
its  borders  and  that  parties  of  their  people  were,  almost  daily, 
examining  New  Mexico  in  all  directions. 

In  1843,  on  November  28,  the  priest  of  Taos,  Rev.  Antonio 
Jose  Martinez,  wrote  to  Governor  Don  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa 
Ana,  expressing  his  opinion  about  the  depredations  of  the  In- 
dians and  their  cause.  The  hostilities  of  the  barbarous  nations 
against  the  quiet  and  laborious  citizens  of  the  territory,  it 
seemed  to  the  priest,  required  prompt  attention  from  the  com- 
manding ofiicer  of  the  department.  The  mode  he  would  sug- 
gest to  pacify  the  troublesome  tribes  was  to  assign  to  them  some 
determined  lands  which  they  could  cultivate  and  try  to  live  on 
their  produce  as  civilized  people  do. 

The  cause,  he  said  in  his  letter,  of  the  attacks  made 
by  the  Indians,  was  the  scarcity  of  game,  which  they  were 
gradually  destroying  more  and  more  every  year,  owing  to  the 
cupidity  of  the  Americans  for  the  purchase  of  the  skins  of  the 
buffalo  or  other  wild  animals,  which  they  got  from  the  Indians, 


(1)    The  original  is  given  in  the  appendix  No.  5. 

11* 


170  New  Mexico  Rebels  Against  Mexico, 

and  also  from  some  Mexicans,  in  exchange  for  dr\'  goods  and 
strong  liquors.  This  traffic,  conducted  by  the  Americans  on 
the  borders  of  our  department,  has  caused  great  destruction 
in  the  herds  of  the  cibolo,  on  which  formerly  many  Mexican 
families  as  well  as  Indians  lived.  The  failing  of  this  resource 
must  now  be  accounted  for,  in  a  great  measure,  by  the  incur- 
sions of  the  Indians,  w'ho  are  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  steal- 
ing the  property  ot  the  Mexicans  in  order  to  find  a  means  of 
living.      ( I ) 

Under  the  administration  of  Mariano  Martinez  who  suc- 
ceeded Antonio  I,opez  de  Santa  Ana  (ad  interim),  in  the  year 
1844,  the  Yutas  caused  considerable  damages  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Rio  Arriba,  especially  in  Abiquiu.  The  governor  having 
been  apprised  of  the  fact  by  the  prefect  of  the  district,  Colonel 
Juan  Andres  Archuleta,  was  preparing  an  expedition  against 
these  Indians  when  he  was  himself  attacked  by  them  in  his 
own  palace.  Fortunately  there  were  men  inside  and  outside 
the  building  to  protect  the  governor  and  to  disperse  the  aggres- 
sors, who  lost  eight  of  their  men,  while  there  was  only  one 
wounded  among  the  citizens.  This  attack  caused  the  governor 
to  make  an  appeal  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico  for  volun- 
teers to  organize  an  expedition  against  the  treacherous  Yutas,  (2) 


(1)  Father  Martinez  started  in  Taos  in  1840  the  first  printing  press  known  id 
New  Mexico. 

(2)  State  manuscript. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Independence  of  Texas  and  Its  Annexation  to 
THE  United  States. — The  Invasion  of  New  Mexico. 

{1)     The   Independence   of   Texas  and  its   Annexation   to  the 
United  States. 

Here  commenced  a  period  of  difficulties  between  Mexico 
and  the  United  States,  a  brief  account  of  which,  we  think, 
will  not  be  amiss  to  give  as  an  explanation  of  the  invasion  of 
New  Mexico  by  the  American  soldiers  in  1846. 

The  State  of  Texas  comprised  a  great  extent  of  lands 
which  were  only  very  sparsely  settled  by  some  small  Mexican 
populations.  This  country,  otherwise  rich  in  soil  for  agricul- 
tural and  cattle-raising  purposes,  attracted  the  attention  of 
American  colonists,  who,  it  may  be  said,  were  rather  too  easily 
admitted  by  the  Mexican  government  early  after  its  institution. 
In  1 82 1,  Moses  Austin,  a  native  of  Connecticut  who  had  be- 
come a  Spanish  subject  as  a  resident  of  Louisiana,  when  that 
country  was  under  the  Spanish  rule,  obtained  from  the  "Re- 
gencia  gubernativa  del  Imperio,"  the  grant  of  a  large  tract  of 
land  extending  a  good  distance  into  the  interior  of  Texas.  The 
consideration  received  by  the  government  for  the  concession 
W'as  the  obligation  Austin  took  on  himself  to  establish,  in  a 
stated  time,  large  colonies  on  the  granted  lands,  but  he  died  a 
short  time  without  having  done  anything  yet  in  fullfilment  of  the 
condition.  Stephen  Austin,  his  son,  after  going  to  Mexico 
and  attending  there  a  series  of  formalities,  was  at  last  confirmed 


172  INDEPENDENCE  AND  ANNEXATION  OF  TeXAS/ 

in  the  rights  of  his  father  by  the  Republic,  which  was  then  the 
government  of  Mexico. 

On  his  return  to  Texas,  Stephen  laid  out  the  town  of  Sati 
Felipe  de  Austin,  which  has  become  since  the  capital  of  the 
State,  with  the  name  of  its  founder. 

The  conditions  of  the  contract  having  been  fulfilled  in  1825, 
Austin  secured  others  in  the  three  subsequent  years  and  succeeded 
in  introducing  over  1,500  colonists  into  the  countrj^  Mean- 
while, numerous  other  people,  either  of  their  own  accord  or 
called  b}'  different  leaders,  had  flocked  to  Texas,  so  that  in  1 830 
the  white  population  of  the  State  was  estimated  at  40,000. 

This  population,  as  may  be  safely  surmised,  included  many 
adventurers,  and  probably  too,  escaped  convicts  from  the  United 
States  who  did  not  like  the  Mexican  regime,  and  constantly 
agitated  for  their  independence  from  that  government.  The 
main  reason  alleged  was  the  difference  of  language  between  the 
American  and  the  Mexican  populations,  and  to  this  were  added 
from  either  side  real  or  supposed  offenses,  which  brought  about 
several  encounters,  which  at  first  had  no  other  result  but  the 
effusion  of  blood  and  the  fostering  of  bad  feeling  between  the 
two  races.  In  1836,  April  21st,  a  battle  fought  on  the  San 
Jacinto  river  turned  entirely  to  the  advantage  of  the  Texans, 
Santa  Ana,  who  commanded  the  Mexican  force  against  the 
rebels,  was  made  prisoner,  and  though  he  had  no  authority 
from  his  government  for  the  settling  of  the  difficulty,  still,  in 
order  to  receive  his  liberty,  he  acknowledged  the  independence 
of  Texas,  which  was  soon  recognized  by  the  United  States,  and 
by  some  European  powers. 

Eight  years  later,  in  1844,  Texas  was  admitted  into  the 
American  Union.  By  what  right  this  annexation  was  effected, 
nobody  can  tell,  says  Hubert  Howe  Bancroft,  (i)  as  the  United 
States  had  formally  declared  that  the  dividing  line  between 
them  and  Mexico  was  the  Rio  Sabinas.  Nevertheless,  at  this 
time,  the  Government  of  Washington  claimed  a  great  part  of 
New  Mexico  for  Texas,  while  Mexico  limited  that  State  b}^  the 
Rio  Nueces  on  the  northern  side.  As  can  be  easily  understood, 
the  former  was  interested  in  extending  as  far  as  possible  the 


(1)   Higtoria  de  Mexico. 


Invasion  of  New  Mexico.  173 

limits  of  the  newl}'  acquired  territory,  and  as  the  latter  were  not 
disposed  either  to  give  or  even  to  sell  any  part  of  what  they 
considered  to  be  their  property,  their  refusal  to  do  either 
was  taken  as  a  sufficient  cause  for  a  declaration  of  war  against 
them. 

Just  or  unjust,  the  war  was  waged  against  Mexico  from 
different  points  at  a  time.  Everywhere,  except  in  New 
Mexico  and  California,  where  the  Americans  had  prepared  the 
Mexicans  to  betray  their  government,  the  United  States  troops 
met  with  a  noble  and  brave  resistance,  but  being  better  provided 
with  arms  and  ammunition,  they  fought  their  way,  step  by  step, 
until  they  planted  the  American  flag  on  the  capitol  of 
Mexico. 

(^)     The  Invasion  of  New  Mexico. 

In  1846,  at  the  time  the  war  was  being  vigorously  pushed 
into  the  interior  of  the  Mexican  Territory,  General  S.  W. 
Kearney  was  starting  with  800  soldiers  from  Fort  Leavenworth 
to  go  to  California  through  New  Mexico.  When  the  news 
reached  Santa  Fe,  General  Armijo,  who  had  bfeen  reappointed 
governor  at  the  end  of  the  previous  year,  called  the  most 
influential  men  of  the  Territory  to  a  meeting  to  be  held  in 
Santa  Fe,  to  have  their  opinion  about  the  measures  to  be  taken 
to  save  their  country  from  an  invasion. 

From  what  we  learned  from  Dn.  Pablo  Gallegos,  an  old, 
intelligent,  and  honest  citizen  of  New  Mexico,  who  was  at  that 
time  a  justice  of  the  peace  in  Rio  Arriba,  the  meeting  was  as 
large  as  could  have  been  expected.  After  the  governor  had 
explained  the  object  of  the  meeting,  the  first  who  spoke  was 
Padre  I,eiva,  one  of  the  priests  of  the  Territory.  While  admit- 
ting it  was  the  duty  of  every  man  to  protect  his  home  and  sup- 
port his  own  government  against  unjust  aggressors,  he  thought 
his  countrymen  were  not  prepared  to  meet  the  American  force. 
The  New  Mexicans,  with  the  exception  of  their  few  soldiers, 
were  not  acquainted  with  military  tactics,  and  moreover,  could 
not  even  be  suitably  equipped  to  make  any  available  resistance. 
On  the  other  hand,  Mexico  was  too  far,  and  time  too  short,  to 
apply  to  the  headquarters  of  the  government,  either  for  soldiers 
or  for  ammunition.     On  account  of  these  considerations,  the 


174  Invasion  of  New  Mexico. 

Padre  concluded  by  saying,  that,  in  his  opinion,  it  would  he 
better  not  to  try  useless  opposition  to  a  superior  force. 

A  young  lawyer  from  Chihuahua,  named  Palacios,  as  far 
as  Dn.  Pablo  can  remember,  who  happened  to  be  in  Santa  Fe 
at  that  time,  spoke  after  the  priest  and  blamed  him  vehemently 
for  the  fear  he  tried  to  create  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 
He  thought  the  apprehensions  of  the  Father  were  founded  on 
no  other  reason  but  his  own  aversion  to  the  dangers  of  a  war, 
and  his  lack  of  knowledge  of  Mexican  patriotism.  Turning 
then  to  the  audience,  he  expressed  the  hope  that  the  inhabitants 
of  New  Mexico  would  not  be  deterred  to  expose  their  lives, 
were  this  necessary,  for  the  defense  of  their  country. 

After  hearing  different  opinions  on  the  matter,  the  votes 
were  taken  for  yes  or  no  in  regard  to  the  defense  of  the  countrj^ 
The  result  of  the  voting  gave  a  large  majority  in  favor  of 
opposing  the  foreign  invasion  at  any  cost.  It  was  then  re- 
solved that  the  governor  should  call  on  the  alcaldes  and  other 
authorities  to  gather  soldiers,  who  should  be  equipped  by  the 
rich  men  of  the  territory-.  Soldiers  flocked  from  all  the  districts 
in  such  numbers  that,  when  thc}^  reported  to  the  plain  of  Galis- 
teo  on  the  day  they  were  to  start  from  there  for  "El  Caiioncito 
de  los  Apaches,"  the  governor  had  to  make  a  selection  from 
them  and  send  the  others  back  to  their  homes.  Here  ended 
the  details  given  by  Dn.  Pablo. 

Canoncito  was  the  most  suitable  place  for  resistance  by  the 
Mexicans  to  the  American  soldiers.  The  caiion  is  a  narrow, 
deep  cut  between  the  mountains,  and  was  the  only  practicable 
pass  from  Glorieta  to  Santa  Fe  ;  the  way  very  Hkely  to  be 
followed  b}^  Kearney  and  his  troops.  The  question  was 
whether  the  Americans  would  engage  in  the  narrow  gap  or 
avoid  it  by  crossing  the  mountains  ;  but  in  any  case,  it  was 
thought  that  the  American  soldiers  could  be  not  only  stopped 
but  defeated  there.  Governor  Armijo,  it  seems,  thought  dif- 
ferently. He  contented  himself  with  going  to  the  canon  in 
order  to  close  its  exit  towards  Santa  Fe.  From  there,  as  we 
have  been  told  by  a  soldier  of  the  Mexican  army  stationed  at 
Caiioncito,  the  governor  would  dispatch  some  of  his  men  in 
advance  to  reconnoitre  the  road  from  the  heights  and  bring 
back  the  news  of  any  discovery  they  might  make.     Some  parties 


lmrASio>f  OF  New  Mexico.  175 

came  "back  without  having  noticed  an^'thing  unusual.  Later 
on,  others  brought  the  news  of  a  cloud  of  dust,  far  distant  3^et, 
but  coming,  as  they  judged,  in  their  direction.  At  last,  the 
report  of  the  scouts  was  that  the  glitter  of  bayonets  could  be 
perceived  at  intervals  through  the  dust  and  that  the  Americans 
were  very  numerous.  Nothing  of  the  kind  had  been  seen  yet, 
except  through  the  prism  of  fear  and  imagination,  as  was  found 
out  after,  but  this  was  enough  for  Governor  Armijo  to  cause 
him  to  abandon  the  post  and  leave  it  to  his  soldiers  to  do  what 
they  pleased.  These,  of  course,  took  their  way  homeward,  while 
the  commandant  set  out  in  all  haste  for  Chihuahua. 

Why  did  the  governor  take  to  flight  before  seeing  the 
enemy  ?  Some  say  that  when  he  went  to  the  caiion  with  his 
men  he  did  not  intend  to  fight,  as  he  had  been  interviewed 
several  times  in  Santa  Fe  b}^  an  agent  for  the  Americans,  Jas. 
Magoffin,  an  old  resident  of  New  Mexico,  and  very  likely  had 
promised  not  to  oppose  the  invasion  of  the  territor>^  Others 
say  that  he  thought  his  army  was  too  much  inferior  to  that  of 
the  enemy,  and  others  maintain,  perhaps  wdth  more  probability, 
that  Armijo  discovered  a  division  of  opinions  among  the  officers 
under  his  command,  which,  he  thought,  would  render  the 
result  of  the  battle  uncertain. 

Be  it  as  it  may  as  regards  the  conduct  of  General  Armijo, 
General  Kearney,  at  the  head  of  his  soldiers,  entered  Santa  Fe 
on  the  1 8th  of  August,  1846,  without  one  single  gunshot  from 
either  side.  The  Santa  Fe  people,  seeing  that  their  governor 
had  fled  before  the  invaders,  had  only  to  submit  in  amazement, 
as  they  were  not  prepared  to  make  any  resistance.  General 
Kearney  made  a  speech  on  the  Plaza  and  told  his  hearers  that 
the}"^  were  no  longer  subjects  of  the  Mexican  government  but  of 
the  United  States,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  administer  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  men  in  charge  of  offices.  Among  the 
influential  men  of  Santa  Fe  there  were  some  who  had  been 
prepared  by  the  Americans,  who  were  residents  of  the 
town,  to  believe  that  annexation  to  the  United  States  was  the 
only  means  of  having  the  mines  of  the  country  developed,  and 
the  forays  of  the  wild  tribes  brought  to  an  end.  These  did  not 
object  to  taking  the  oath  ;  but  there  were  many  who,  abstract- 
ing from  Siuy  consideration,  w^ere  opposed  to  a  change  of  gov- 


176  The  New  Mexicans  Revolt. 

ernment,  but  they  could  not  then  express  their  opinion  because 
they  knew  they  could  not  make  it  prevail  against  armed  force. 
Accordingly  everything  seemed  to  be  quiet  in  the  old  capital, 
and  Kearney  gave  orders  for  the  fortification  of  one  of  the 
heights  of  Santa  Fe,  which  was  to  be  Fort  Marcy. 

On  the  2  2d  of  August  the  General  signed  a  proclamation 
by  which  he  promised,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment, to  protect  the  New  Mexicans  in  holding  their  prop- 
erty against  their  enemies,  the  Yutas,  the  Navajos  and  others. 
Pursuant  to  his  promise,  KearncA'  had  to  organize  at  once  a 
strong  expedition  against  the  Navajos,  who  were  then  raiding 
different  settlements  of  the  territory.  As  usual,  the  Indians, 
who  did  not  like  to  try  their  force  against  that  of  the  United 
States,  agreed  to  a  treaty  of  peace  w^hich,  of  course  they  in- 
tended to  break  at  the  first  opportunity.  Meanwhile  there  was 
some  hope  that  those  Indians  would  remain  quiet  for  some  time 
at  least,  and  the  General  was  credited  with  having  fulfilled  his 
promise,  though  he  found  no  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
Navajos. 

(S)     The  New  Mexicans  Revolt. 

As  already  mentioned,  the  change  of  government  had  not 
been  unanimously  accepted  by  the  New  Mexico  people,  and 
while  it  was  thought  that  the  change  was  an  accompUshed  fact, 
about  half  of  the  population  entertained  bad  feelings  against 
the  invaders  of  their  country.  This  disposition  w^as  greatly  in- 
creased when  it  became  known  that  those  who  were  of  a  diflfer- 
ent  opinion  had  already  joined  themselves  to  the  United  States, 
Hence  a  complete  dissatisfaction  manifested  itself  in  1847 
by  an  open  revolution  against  the  "Gringos,"  the  strangers, 
and  their  abettors.  It  originated  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
territory"  at  the  instigation  of  two  men,  who  withdrew  when 
they  saw  that  their  plan  had  been  discovered  too  soon.  But 
they  were  succeeded  by  a  Mexican  named  Pablo  Montoya  and 
an  Indian  called  "El  Tomasito."  The  last  named  leaders, 
with  the  Indians  of  the  pueblo  of  Taos,  made  a  merciless  at- 
tack on  the  town  of  San  Fernando  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
19th  of  January  of  the  year  above  mentioned.  There  they 
killed  the  military  governor,  Charles   Bent,  appointed  by  Gen- 


XXVI.     Right  Rev.   P.   Bourgade,  D.   D. 


Hishop  of  Tiu'son,  Ariz. 


The  Xew  Mexicans  Revolt.  177 

eral  Kearney  and  who  happened  to  be  visiting  his  family  ; 
James  Blair,  a  young  attorney  from  Missouri,  and  Narciso 
Beaubien,  the  son  of  Judge  Beaubien,  a  French  Canadian  es- 
tablished in  San  Fernando,  and  a  good  friend  to  both  the  Mexi- 
cans and  the  Indians  of  the  pueblo.  At  about  the  same  time 
some  other  Americans  were  killed  in  different  towns  of  the 
territor3^ 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  murder  of  Charles  Bent  reached 
Santa  Fe,  Colonel  Sterling,  whom  General  Kearney  when  pro- 
ceeding to  California  had  left  in  command  of  Santa  Fe  with  a 
few  companies  of  soldiers^  marched  at  once  against  the  rebels, 
whom  he  met,  Mexicans  and  Indians,  near  Santa  Cruz  de  la 
Caiiada.  There  he  had  to  stop  with  part  of  his  troops,  but 
detached  Captain  Burgwin  with  two  companies  for  Taos.  The 
captain  reached  the  town  of  San  Fernando  early  on  the  3d  of 
February,  where  he  met  with  no  opposition  and  marched  early 
the  next  day  to  the  pueblo  about  four  miles  distant.  There  his 
opponents  had  concentrated  their  forces  and  fortified  themselves 
in  the  church.  The  attack  commenced  at  that  point,  and  the 
fight  lasted  until  the  old  adobe  church  was  broken  open  by  the 
bullets  of  a  six-pounder.  Then  ensued  what  has  been  termed 
the  "Taos  Massacre,"  Many  Indians  were  killed  on  the  spot, 
among  whom  were  the  two  leaders  of  the  revolt,  the  Mexican 
Pablo  Montoya  and  the  Indian  Tomasito.  Others,  in  large 
numbers,  rushed  to  the  mountains  under  the  fire  of  the  soldiers, 
and  many  of  them  were  killed  in  their  flight.  According  to 
Haines,  the  loss  of  life  on  the  side  of  the  Indians  was  calculated 
at  about  150,  while  the  Americans  had  only  seven  men  killed, 
among  whom  was  Captain  Dunifan,  and  forty-six  wounded. 
The  old  church,  almost  destroyed  by  the  battle,  has  been  re- 
placed by  a  smaller  one  which  stands  at  some  distance  out  of 
the  pueblo. 

At  Caiiada,  where  Colonel  Sterling  had  encountered  the 
rebels,  the  latter  were  defeated  with  a  loss  of  thirty-six  men  and 
many  wounded,  while  the  Americans  had  only  two  men  killed 
and  six  wounded. 

At  Mora,  we  take  from  Haines,  L,.  L.  Waldo,  Louis  Ca- 
bano,  Ben  Praett,  R.  Culver,  Noyes  and  three  more  were  killed 
by  the  Mexicans.     These  murders,  says  the  same  author,  were 


178  The  New  Mexicans  Revolt, 

punished  on  February  ist  (we  suppose  in  1848)  by  Captain  N.^ 
who  drove  the  inhabitants  to  the  mountains  and  burned  their 
houses,  which  were  all  built  with  logs. 

The  last  part  of  the  above  statement  is  contradicted  b}'  an 
old  Mexican,  Jose  Ramon  Pacheco,  alreadj^  mentioned  in  these 
pages.  According  to  the  testimony  of  this  man,  Captain  N. 
had  not  to  drive  the  inhabitants  of  the  Mora  valley  to  the 
mountains.  As  the}'  lived  all  scattered  in  their  fields,  they  joined 
together  as  soon  as  the}^  were  apprised  that  they  would  be  at- 
tacked by  the  American  soldiers,  and  fortified  themselves  with 
whatever  kind  of  logs  the}^  could  find  ready,  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  on  the  road  going  from  Mora  to  Cebolla.  There  the^^ 
were  attacked  by  the  soldiers,  who  killed  one  of  their  men, 
Manuel  Gallego,  and  wounded  another  named  Juan  Guillen. 
After  this  attack  the  soldiers  turned  to  the  houses  and  destroyed 
them  by  fire  before  leaving  the  valley. 

This  is  the  manner  in  which  the  people  of  New  Mexico 
were  treated  b}^  the  Americans  for  their  attachment  to  their 
own  government,  before  there  was  an^^  final  settlement  of  diffi- 
culties between  Mexico  and  the  United  States.  But  then  came 
the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  which  was  signed  on  the  2d 
of  Februarj^  1848,  by  which  New  Mexico  and  Upper  California 
were  ceded  to  the  United  States,  in  consideration  of  the  can- 
cellation of  all  claims  whatever,  and  the  payment  of  $15,000,000 
in  cash,  and  thus  ended  the  war. 

"This  war,"  says  Arthur  Howard  Noll,  from  whom  we 
have  borrowed  many  details  on  this  question  ( i ) ,  '  'has  been 
recently  pronounced  on  high  authorit}^  one  of  the  most  unjust 
ever  waged  by  a  stronger  against  a  weak  nation."  The  same 
opinion  is  thus  expressed  bj^H.  H.  Bancroft,  already  mentioned 
(we  translate  from  the  Spanish) :  '  'In  the  beginning  of  the  diffi- 
cult}', the  United  States  had  a  brilliant  opportunit}^  to  show  mag- 
nanimity toward  a  weak  neighbor,  and  to  help  her  (the  Mexican 
Republic)  in  the  arduous  task  of  establishing  her  republican 
institutions.  Instead  of  doing  so,  the  President,  while  simula- 
ting a  great  wish  for  the  maintenance  of  peace,  was  giving 
orders  for  a  destructive  war  ;  and  the  press,  at  the  same  time. 


(1)    Short  history  of  Mexico.    (Chicago,  A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co.,  1890.) 


Names  of  Priests  Under  Mexican  Rule.  179 

was  openly  advocating  the  destruction  of  the  Mexican  cities. 
These  barbarous  sentiments  were  supported  by  the  false  im- 
pression that  Mexico  had  provoked  hostilities.  The  fact  is  that 
President  Polk  sent  troops  to  invade  the  Mexican  territory, 
arrogating  to  himself  a  power  which  had  not  been  vested  in 
him  by  the  law,  and  for  this  reason  his  conduct  was  censured 
by  the  House  of  Representatives." 

"After  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  the  President  boastingly 
dwelt  in  his  message  on  the  great  moderation  which  he  had 
used  towards  Mexico.  But  the  truth  of  the  case  is,  that  it  was 
not  magnanimity  but  prudence,  which  induced  him  and  his 
colleagues  to  paj^  a  sum  of  money,  so  as  to  give  a  semblance  of 
title  to  what,  otherwise,  would  have  been  considered  and 
termed  the  stealing  of  a  territory. ' ' 

{4)     Names    of  the  Priests  who  Administered  the  Missions  of 
Neiv  Mexico  Under  the  Mexican  Rule. 

(i)  Fray  Teodoro  Alcina.  (2)  Rev.  Manuel  Bellido.  (3) 
F.  Joseph  Castro.  (4)  Rev.  Juan  Caballero.  f5)  Rev.  Vicente 
Chavez.  (6)  Rev.  Jose  Manuel  Gallegos.  (7)  Rev.  Ramon 
Antonio  Gonzales.  (8)  Rev.  Francisco  Hurtado.  (9)  Rev. 
Mariano  de  Jesus  Lopez.  ( 10)  Rev.  Jose  de  Jesus  Leiva.  (11) 
Rev.  Jose  de  Jesus  Lujan.  (12)  Rev.  Francisco  Ignacio 
Madariaga.  (13)  Fray  Diego  Martinez.  (14)  Rev.  Jose 
Vicente  Montaiio.  (15)  Rev.  Antonio  Jose  Marin.  (16)  Rev. 
Manuel  Martinez.  (17)  Rev.  Antonio  Jose  Martinez.  (18) 
Rev.  Francisco  Minguez.  (19)  Very  Rev.  Juan  Felipe  Ortiz. 
(20)  Rev.  Fernando  Ortiz.  (21)  Rev.  Jose  Antonio  Otero. 
(22)  Fray  Rafael  Ortiz.  (23)  Rev.  Jose  de  la  Padra.  (24) 
Rev.  Manuel  de  Jesus  Rada.  (25)  Rev.  Geronimo  Riega. 
(26)  Fray  Jose  Francisco  Rodriguez.  (27)  Fray  Joseph  Rubi. 
(28)  Rev.  Ramon  Salazar.  (29)  Rev.  Antonio  Jesus  Salazar. 
(30)  Fray  Vergara  Jose  Mariano  Sanchez.  (31)  Rev.  Mariano 
Jose  Sanchez.  (32)  Rev.  Juan  Tomas  Terrasas.  (33)  Rev. 
Juan  de  Jesus  Trujillo.  (34)  Rev.  Manuel  del  Valle.  (35) 
Eulogio  Valdez. 

Total  number  thirty-five,  including  seven  whose  names 
figure  on  a  list  of  the  Colonial  period. 


CHAPTER  V. 
The  Missions  of  Arizona  Under  the  Mexican  RutE. 

As  stated  before,  (i)  it  must  have  been  between  the  years 
1687  and  1690  that  the  mission  of  Guevavi,  the  first  in 
what  has  become  the  Territory  of  Arizona,  was  founded  by  the 
Jesuit  Fathers.  Those  of  Tumacacuri,  San  Xavier,  Tubac, 
Tucson  and  others  were  estabHshed  successive^  as  circum- 
stances permitted  where  it  seemed  the}^  would  have  good 
results  for  the  Chrdstianization  and  civilization  of  the  natives. 
They  were  tried  in  different  ways  and  at  different  periods,  either 
by  the  wild  Apache  nation,  or  by  those  very  Indians  for  whom 
they  had  been  founded.  Priests  were  killed  and  churches  de- 
stroyed ;  still  the  work  was  not  abandoned.  The  perseverance 
of  the  missionaries,  whether  Jesuits  or  Franciscans,  was  above  all 
reverses,  as  long  as  they  were  permitted  to  follow  their  voca- 
tion and  work  for  the  Indians.  The  losses  were  heay>'  on 
them,  but  they  ever  tried  to  make  up  for  them  by  renewed  zeal 
and  activity,  and  alwa5^s  succeeded  to  some  extent  at  least, 
until  they  were  expelled  from  the  country'  with  the  Spaniards 
by  the  decree  of  December  20th,  1827. 

With  this  decree  and  that  of  May  10th  1829,  by  which 
"L,as  Temporalidades,"  the  goods  of  the  missions  were  confis- 
cated, there  remained  no  possibility  of  the  continuance  of  the 
missions  as  such.  By  the  expulsion  of  the  Franciscans,  the 
Indians  remained  without  any  protection.  They  could  not  but 
miss  at  once  the  moral  and   material  support  they  were  wont 

(1)    Chapter  xrv.  of  the  Colonial  period. 


The  Missions  op  Arizona  Under  Mexicax  Rule.  181 

to  receive  from  the  Church,  and,  as  a  consequence,  man}'  of 
them,  finding  themselves  very  soon  without  resources,  com- 
menced to  scatter  here  and  there,  and  to  return  gradually  to 
the  customs  of  their  former  Indian  life.  Then  followed  the 
destruction  of  the  live  stock  left  by  the  missionaries,  and  of  the 
churches,  except  that  of  San  Xavier,  which  was  preserved  by 
the  Indians  who  did  not  leave  their  pueblo.  San_  Xavier  and 
Tumacacuri  were  ^he  rnost  important  missions  of  Arizona  at 
the  time  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Franciscans.  Their  priests 
visited  Tubac,  Tucson  and  other  pueblos  of  the  Papagos  at 
stated  times.  The  priests  who  administered  in  the  mission  of 
San  Xavier  since  1767  to  1827  were  sixteen  in  number,  as  far 
as  we  can  see  by  the  records  left  in  the  church.  Of  those  who 
resided  at  Tumacacuri,  we  have  only  the  names  of  Baltazar 
Garillo,  Narciso  Gutierres  and  Ramon  Liberos,  who  was  the 
minister  of  that  mission  in  1822,  as  we  see  by  the  following, 
taken  from  the  records  of  the  mission:  "I,  Ramon  Liberos, 
minister  of  the  mission  of  San  Jose  de  Tumacacuri,  transferred 
on  the  13th  of  December  1822,  the  bones  of  the  Rev.  Baltazar 
Carillo  and  of  the  Rev.  Narciso  Gutierres  from  the  old  church 
to  the  new  one,  and  buried  them  in  the  sanctuary  at  the  gospel 
side."  For  authority  the  paragraph  bore  the  signature: 
"Ramon  Liberos." 

The  Church  of  Tumacacuri,  though  of  a  comparatively 
recent  date,  does  not  show  anything  now  but  ruins  of  a  very 
regular  structure,  much  similar  in  shape  to  that  of  San  Xavier, 
but  an  adobe  building  onl}',  while  San  .Xavier  was  built  with 
brick  and  stone. 

Who  were  the  priests  who  built  the  churches  such  as  those, 
the  remains  of  which  are  seen  at  San  Xavier,  Tumacacuri 
and  other  places,  and  what  were  the  means  they  had  at  their 
disposal  for  the  erection  of  these  structures  ? 

These  are  questions  not  unfrequently  asked  by  visitors  of 
the  old  missions  of  Arizona.  The  answer  we  can  give  to  the 
first  is,  that  the  church  of  San  Xavier  and  that  of  Tumacacuri 
were  built  by  the  Franciscans,  the  former,  which  had  been 
commenced  in  1783,  being  completed  in  1797,  and  the  latter, 
as  we  have  seen  already,  was  completed  in  1822  and  was  called 
the  "new    church.""      As  regards  the  names  of  the  religious 


182  The  Missions  of  Arizona  Under  ^Iexican  Rule, 

who  superintended  the  building  of  these  churches,  no  mention 
is  made  of  them  in  any  of  the  records  we  have  met  with, 
nor  did  these  true  sons  of  the  humble  St.  Francis  put  on  the 
walls  any  mark  that  could  manifest  their  personal  merit  to 
future  generations.  What  the}'  did  was  to  place  the  coat-of- 
arms  of  their  Order  on  the  frontispiece  of  the  churches  they 
built,  as  if  to  sa^-  to  us  :  '  'We,  unknown  to  you,  poor  religious  of 
St.  Francis,  have  built  this  for  you  ;  pray  for  us."  Neverthe- 
less, if  the  tradition  be  right  about  the  time  spent  in  building  the 
church  of  San  Xavier,  we  can  raise  the  veil  of  humilit}-  by  look- 
ing at  the  names  of  the  missionaries  of  whom  mention  is  made 
in  the  church  records  during  this  period,  extending,  as  above 
written,  from  1783  to  1797.  The  priest  in  charge,  as  Superior 
of  the  San  Xavier  mission  from  May  22d  1780  to  1794,  was  the 
Rev.  Baltazar  Carillo.  He  was  succeeded  in  the  charge  of 
Superior  by  Fray  Narciso  Gutierres,  who  kept  the  position 
until  1799.  From  these  authentic  data,  we  can  safely  say  that 
it  was  under  the  administration  of  these  two  religious  that  the 
beautiful  church  of  San  Xavier  was  built.  The  same  can  be 
said  of  that  of  Tumacacuri,  which  was  administered  by  these 
two  priests  in  succession  before  1822,  when  its  new  church  was 
put  in  charge  of  Fray  Ramon  lyiberos. 

The  tradition  goes  among  the  old  people  of  the  territory 
that  the  builders  of  the  above  named  churches,  as  also  that  of 
Cavorca  in  Sonora,  were  two  brothers,  members  of  the  Gauna 
family,  yet  in  existence  in  the  countr3^ 

As  regards  the  second  question,  viz. :  What  were  the 
means  the  missionaries  had  at  their  disposal  for  the  erection  of 
substantial  and  rich  churches  ? 

Leaving  apart  the  marvelous  products  of  the  rich  mines, 
which  are  supposed  to  have  been  held  in  possession  by  the  an- 
cient missionaries,  and  which  probably,  never  existed  realty, 
as  no  mention  of  them  is  made  either  in  the  records  or  in  the 
historical  books  which  we  have  read  on  the  old  missions,  we 
have  the  following  to  answer  :  According  to  the  writers  of 
two  of  the  works  which  have  contributed  to  our  little  knowl- 
edge about  the  past  ecclesiastical  histor}^  of  Arizona,  the  "Rudo 
Ensayo"  and  the  "Noticias  Estadisticas, "  the  churches  were 
built  by  the  missionaries  solety  from  the  produce  of  the  land  as- 


The  Missions  of  Arizona  Under  Mexican  Rule.  183 

signed  by  the  government  to  each  one  of  the  missions,  which 
land  was  cultivated  by  the  Indians  under  the  direction  of  their 
respective  ministers.  To  this  resource  we  tnight  add  the  pro- 
duct of  the  live  stock,  which  was  considerable  at  times  in 
several  of  the  missions,  and  also  what  the  missionaries  were 
able  to  spare  of  the  scant  allowance  they  received  in  money 
from  the  government  for  their  yearly  support.  This  explains 
why  the  building  of  the  churches  required  a  long  time,  and 
also  why  some  of  them  remained  unfinished  in  some  of  their 
parts.      ( I ) 

Deeming  it  will  not  be  out  of  place,  we  will  saj^  a  few 
words  about  the  dealing  of  the  missionaries  with  the  Indians, 
and  about  the  way  the}^  taught  them,  little  by  little,  the  man- 
ners of  civilized  life.  According  to  details  we  received  in  1 866 
from  men  who  had  seen  the  Fathers  at  work  and  who  had  been 
employed  by  them  as  foremen  in  the  different  labors  carried  on 
in  the  mission  of  San  Xavier,  the  Indians  were  perfectly  free 
to  work  for  themselves  or  for  the  church,  to  cultivate  their  own 
fields  or  the  church  land,  with  the  difference  that  the  former 
had  to  look  for  their  maintenance,  while  the  latter  were  sup- 
ported b}^  the  mission.  Those  who  worked  for  the  mission 
were  dependent  on  it  for  food  and  clothing,  not  only  for  them- 
selves but  for  their  families.  For  that  purpose  provisions  were 
stored  in  the  mission  house,  or  convent,  and  distributed  in 
due  time. 

Early  in  the  morning  the  inhabitants  of  the  pueblo  had  to 
go  to  church  for  morning  prayers  and  to  hear  mass.  Breakfast 
followed  this  exercise.  Soon  after  a  peculiar  bell  called  the 
workmen.  They  assembled  in  the  atrium,  a  little  place  in 
front  of  and  adjoining  the  church,  where  they  were  counted  by 
one  of  the  priests  and  assigned  to  the  different  places  where 
work  was  to  be  done.  When  the  priests  were  in  sufficient 
number  they  used  to  superintend  the  work,  laboring  them- 
selves, otherwise  they  employed  some  trustworthy  Mexicans  to 
represent  them.     During  the  season   of  planting  and  harvest- 


(1)  Some  clever  Americans  say,  that  this  incompleteness  of  the  churches,  where 
it  exists,  is  due  to  the  shrewdness  of  the  missionaries,  who,  by  keeping  them  un- 
finished avoided  the  obligation  of  paying  tribute  lo  the  Pope  !  Those  tricky 
monks  !  (?) 


184  The  Missions  of  Arizona  Under  Mexican  Rule. 

ing,  the  workmen  had  their  dinner  prepared  in  the  farmhouse. 
Towards  the  evening,  a  little  before  sun  down,  the  work 
was  stopped  and  the  men  permitted  to  go  home.  On  their  ar- 
rival in  the  houses  which  were  located  round  the  plaza,  one  of 
the  priests,  standing  in  the  middle  of  this  plaza,  said  the  even- 
ing prayers  in  a  loud  voice  in  the  language  of  the  tribe.  Every 
word  he  pronounced  was  repeated  by  some  selected  Indians 
who  stood  between  him  and  the  houses,  and  lastl}^  by  all  the 
Indians  present  in  the  pueblo.  Notwithstanding  these  orderly 
measures,  many  of  the  Indians  fled  every  day,  as  is  reported  in 
the  "Rudo  Ensayo,"  from  their  respective  squads,  before  they 
reached  the  place  where  they  had  to  work,  and  tried  to  be 
present  onty  at  meals.  Nevertheless,  taken  on  the  whole,  these 
are  the  men  who,  by  their  work,  enabled  the  missionaries  to 
build  their  churches  and  houses,  learning  at  the  same  time  how 
to  earn  their  living  in  the  future.  That  these  Indians  must 
have  been  happy  under  such  a  rule  nobody  can  doubt,  and  San 
Xavier,  owing  perhaps  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Presidio  of  Tucson 
( I ) ,  became  afterwards  one  of  the  most  flourishing  missions 
under  the  administration  of  the  Franciscan  Fathers. 

The  missions  of  the  southern  part  of  Arizona  were  all 
composed  of  members  of  that  portion  of  the  Pima  nation  desig- 
nated by  the  name  of  Papago.  According  to  the  testimony  of 
the  authors  we  have  mentioned  several  times,  the  Papagos, 
though  barbarous  in  their  customs,  and  very  much  inclined  to 
the  use  of  intoxicating  liquors,  which  thej^  made  from  several 
kinds  of  wild  fruit  (2),  were  industrious,  thrifty  and  more 
sociable  than  those  of  other  tribes.  Their  moral  character  was 
excellent.  Previous  to  the  establishment  of  the  missions 
amongst  them,  they  had  already,  it  seems,  a  knowledge  of  the 
sacredness  of  marriage,  as  they  kept  it  always  in  its  unity  and 
perpetuity.  They  were  so  strict  on  that  point,  that  the  woman 
who  committed  adultery  was  punished  with  death.  The  num- 
ber of  Papagos  living  at  San  Xavier  can  only  be  approximately 
calculated,  as  many  of  them  do  not  remain  in  the  pueblo  after 


(1)  This  Presidio  was  established  some  time  after  the  revolt  of  the  Pimas, 
either  to  prevent  any  subsequent  rebellion  on  the  part  of  these  Indians,  or  to  pro- 
tect them  against  their  cruel  enemies,  the  Apaches. 

(2)  The  most  noxious  of  these  liquors  was  that  made  of  the  elder  tree  berry. 
(Rudo  Ensayo.) 


XXVII.     Old  Cathedral  op  Tucson,    Ariz. 


XXVIII.     New  Cathedral  of  Tucson,  Ariz. 


in 


XXIX.     Old  Mission  at  Tucson,    Ariz. 


XXX.     Church  of  the  Immaculate  Heart  of  Ma 


RY. 


Phoenix,    Ariz. 


Church  of  San  Xavier.  185 

tlie  harvesting  of  the  wheat,  but  go  to  the  mountains  where 
they  find  more  facilities  for  the  tending  of  their  animals. 
Those  who  reside  constantly  are  about  five  hundred  in  number. 
As  for  the  total  number  of  Papagos  living  in  Arizona,  it  is 
estimated  to  be  about  5,000. 

As  we  have  seen  before,  the  expulsion  of  the  religious, 
and  the  confiscation  of  the  missions'  property  were  the  cause 
why  the  Indians  of  the  southern  part  of  Arizona,  except  those 
who  lived  at  San  Xavier,  abandoned  their  pueblos,  leaving 
their  churches  at  Tumacacuri,  Tubac  and  Tucson  to  go  grad- 
ually to  ruin,  as  they  are  seen  at  the  present  da5\  The  mis- 
sions, it  is  true,  were  not  abandoned  by  the  Church,  as  the 
bishop  of  Sonora  had  them  put  in  charge  of  the  parish  priests 
of  Magdalena,  but  owing  to  the  distance  and  the  danger  from 
the  Apaches  who,  at  all  times,  were  infesting  the  country,  the 
visits  of  the  priests  were  only  on  rare  occasions.  We  have 
been  told  when  the  people  of  Tucson  wanted  to  be  visited  by  a 
priest  for  some  festival  or  during  Easter  time,  they  had  to  send 
eighteen  or  twent}^  mounted  and  well  armed  men  for  him  and 
give  him  the  same  escort  to  take  him  back  to  Magdalena. 
This  arrangement  was  nothing  but  what  was  necessar}%  but,  as 
can  be  easily  imagined,  could  not  be  resorted  to  as  often  as  the 
spiritual  needs  of  the  people  required.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
priests,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Franciscans,  were  too  scarce 
in  Sonora,  to  permit  the  bishop  to  assign  one  for  the  missions 
of  Arizona. 


Description  of  the  Church  of  San  Xavier. 

This  church,  as  can  be  seen  by  its  arches  exceeding  the 
semicircle  in  height,  and  the  ornamental  work  in  half  relief 
which  covers  the  flat  surface  of  some  parts  of  its  inside  walls, 
belongs  to  the  Moorish  style. 

The  first  thing  to  be  noticed  is  the  space  formerly  occupied 
by  the  atrium,  a  little  square  66  by  33  feet,  which  was  enclosed 
in  front  of  the  church,  and  was  used,  as  we  have  seen,  for  hold- 
ing meetings  relating  to  matters  not  directly  connected  with 
religion.  The  walls  of  this  place  crumbled  down  a  few  years 
ago.  On  the  front,  which  shows  the  width  of  the  church 
with  its  two  towers,  is  placed   in  relief  the  coat-of-arms  of  the 

12* 


188  CurRCH  OF  San  Xavier. 

Order  of  St.  Fraicis  of  Assisi,  the  founder  of  the  Franciscans. 
It  consists  of  an  escatchaon,  with  a  white  ground  filled  in  with 
a  twisted  cord,  a  part  of  the  Franciscan  dress,  and  a  cross  on 
which  are  nailed  one  arm  of  Our  Savior  and  one  of  St.  Francis, 
representing  the  union  of  the  disciple  with  the  divine  Master, 
in  charity  and  the  love  of  suffering.  The  arm  of  Our  Lord  is 
bare,  while  that  of  St.  Francis  is  covered.  On  the  right  side  of 
the  escutcheon  is  the  monogram  of  Jesus  the  Savior  of  man, 
and  on  the  left  that  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mar>\  The  front 
was  surmouiited  by  a  life  size  statue  of  St.  Francis,  which 
has  now  almost  gone  to  pieces,  under  the  action  of  time. 

The  church,  which  is  built  of  stone  and  brick,  is  105  by  27 
feet  clear  inside  the  walls.  Its  form  is  that  of  a  cross,  the  tran- 
sept forming  on  each  side  of  the  nave  a  chapel  of  2 1  feet  square. 
The  edifice  has  only  one  nave,  which  is  divided  into  six  portions 
marked  b}^  as  many  arches,  each  one  resting  on  two  pillars  set 
against  the  walls.  Above  the  transept  is  a  cupola  of  about  fifty 
feet  in  elevation,  the  remainder  of  the  vaults  in  the  cTiurch  be- 
ing only  about  thirty  feet  high. 

Going  from  the  front  door  to  the  main  altar,  there  is  on 
the  right  hand  side  wall  a  fresco  representing  the  coming  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  upon  the  disciples  ;  opposite  to  it  is  the  picture, 
also  in  fresco,  of  the  Last  Supper.  Both  paintings  measure 
about  9  by  5  feet.  In  the  first  chapel  to  the  right  hand  are 
two  altars,  one  facing  the  nave  with-  the  image  of  Our  Lady  of 
Sorrows  standing  at  the  foot  of  a  large  cross,  which  is  deeply 
engraved  in  the  wall,  and  the  other  one  with  the  image  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception.  In  the  same  chapel  are  two  frescoes 
representing  Our  Lad}^  of  the  Rosary  and  the  hidden  life  of 
Our  "Savior.  The  opposite  chapel  is  also  adorned  with  two 
altars.  One  of  them  is  dedicated  to  the  Passion  of  our  Lord, 
and  the  other  to  St.  Joseph.  There  are  also  two  paintings,  the 
subjects  of  which  are :  Our  Lady  of  the  Pillar  (i)  and  the 
Presentation  of  Our  Lord  in  the  Temple. 

The  main  altar,  which  stands  at  the  head  of  the  church 
facing  the  nave,  is  dedicated  to  St.  Francis  Xavier,  the  patron 
saint  the  Jesuits  had  chosen  for  the  first  church  they  had  es- 

(1)    An  apparition  of  the  Mother  of  God  at  Saragossa. 


Church  op  San  Xavier.  187 

tablished  in  the  mission.  Above  the  image  of  St.  Francis 
Xavier  is  that  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  between  the  statues  ot  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  at  the  summit  of  the  altar  piece,  a 
bust  meant  to  represent  God  the  Creator.  The  pictures  on  the 
walls  near  this  altar  are  :  On  the  right  hand  side  "The  Ador- 
ation of  the  Wise  Men"  with  "The  Flight  into  Egypt,"  and 
on  the  left  "The  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds"  with  "The 
Annunciation." 

The  altars,  and  especially  the  principal  one,  are  decorated 
with  columns  and  a  great  profusion  of  arabesques  in  low  relief, 
all  gilded  or  painted  in  different  colors,  according  to  the  re- 
quirements of  the  Moorish  style. 

Besides  the  images  we  have  mentioned,  there  were  yet  in 
1866,  when  we  visited  the  mission  for  the  first  time,  the 
statues  of  the  twelve  apostles,  placed  in  the  niches  cut  in  the 
pillars  of  the  church,  and  other  statues  representing  saints, 
most  of  them  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis.  Manj^  of  them  have 
since  been  broken,  and  the  pieces  removed  to  the  vestr}'  room. 
There  are  in  the  dome  of  the  cupola  the  pictures  in  fresco  of 
several  personages  of  the  Order,  who  occupied  high  rank  in  the 
Church. 

Going  again  to  the  front  door,  there  are  two  small  doors 
communicating  with  the  towers.  The  first  room  on  the  right, 
in  the  inside  of  the  tower,  is  about  twelve  feet  square  and 
contains  the  baptismal  font.  A  similar  room,  of  no  par- 
ticular use  now,  but  which  corresponds  to  the  mortuary 
chapel  of  the  old  basilicas,  is  formed  by  the  inside  square  of  the 
opposite  tower.  From  each  of  these  rooms  commence  the 
stairs,  cut  in  the  thickness  of  the  walls  and  leading  to  the  upper 
stories.  Starting  from  the  baptistery,  the  second  flight  reaches 
the  choir  of  the  church.  A  good  view  of  the  upper  part  of  the 
church  can  be  had  from  that  place.  There  are  also  some  fres- 
coes worth  noticing.  These  are  the  Holy  Family,  facing  the 
main  altar  ;  St.  Francis  represented  as  rapt  up  by  heavenly  love, 
in  a  fiery  chariot ;  St.  Dominic,  receiving  from  the  Blessed  Vir- 
gin the  mission  of  promoting  the  devotion  of  the  Rosars*  in  the 
world  ;  and  the  four  EvangeHsts,  with  their  characteristic  at- 
tributes. Two  flights  more  lead  to  the  belfry  where  there 
are  four  home-made  bells,    of  small  size  but  very  harmonious. 


188  Chukch  of  San  Xavter. 

Twenty-two  steps  more  bring  the  visitor  to  the  top  story  and 
under  the  little  dome  covering  the  tower,  an  elevation  about 
seventy-five  feet  above  the  ground.  Here  a  glance  can  be  cast 
on  the  beautiful  and  extensive  valley  of  the  Santa  Cruz  River 
and  on  the  surrounding  countn,'. 

On  the  east  side  of  the  church  are  the  remains  of  the  mis- 
sion buildings,  which  formerly  occupied  a  somewhat  extensive 
space,  but  which  in  1866  were  all  in  a  ruinous  condition^  with 
the  exception  of  two  rooms  adjoining  the  church,     (i) 


(1)  Most  of  the  details  given  iu  this  chapter  are  reproduced  from  {he  "Bnef 
Stetch  of  the  Mission  of  San  Xavier  dtl  Bar,"  ^yhich  we  gave  to  the  public  iu  l.sSO 
under  the  name  of  "A  Missionary  of  Arizona." 


SOLDIERS  OF  THE  CROSS, 


PART    THREE. 


Period  of  the  United  States  Govercment. 


PHRT  III, 

PERIOD    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES 
GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER     I. 

The  Beginning  of  the  American  Rule. 

New  Mexico,  as  stated  before,  was  ceded  to  the  United 
States  in  1848  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo.  Its  pres- 
ent territorial  government  dates  from  March  3d,  1851,  when 
the  acts  of  its  organization  passed  Congress.  The  same  year 
James  Calhoun  was  appointed  its  governor.  On  December  30th, 
1853,  the  whole  of  Arizona  and  a  portion  of  what  has  since 
become  the  State  of  Colorado,  which  had  been  purchased  by 
General  James  Gadsden,  then  Minister  of  the  United  States  to 
Mexico,  were  added  to  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico.  This 
contract,  which  was  called  "The  Gadsden  Purchase,"  was  en- 
tered into  for  the  settlement  of  claims  on  the  part  of  Mexico, 
which  were  withdrawn  in  consideration  of  $10,000,000  paid  by 
the  United  States.  In  1863,  Arizona  was  separated  from  New 
Mexico,  as  also,  in  1865,  the  portion  of  Colorado  spoken  of 
above.      ( i ) 


(1)    Johnson's  Universal  Cyclopaedia. 


192  The  Begixning  of  the  American-  Rcle. 

The  succession  of  the  governors  of  New  Mexico  under  the 
United  States  rule  has  been  as  follows :  After  the  death  of 
Calhoun,  which  occurred  June  30th  1852,  Secretan,-  John-  Grei- 
ner  served  by  virtue  of  his  ofiSce  ;  1852-53,  William  Carr  Lane  ; 
1853,  Solon  Borland  ;  1853-57,  David  Merriwether  ;  1857-61, 
Abraham  Rencher  ;  1861-66,  Henr>' Connolh' ;  1866-69,  Robert 
B.  Mitchell;  1869-71,  William  A.  Pile;  1871-75,  Marsh  Gid- 
dings,  who  died  June  3d,  1875,  and  Secretary  W.  G.  Ritch 
served  by  virtue  of  his  office;  1875-78,  Samuel  B.  Axtell; 
1878-81,  Louis  Wallace  ;  1881-85,  Lionel  A.  Sheldon  ;  1885, 
L.  G.  Ross;   1885-89,  L.  Bradford  Prince  ;  1889-93,  Thornton  ; 

1893-97 

It  seems  that  the  Jicaria  Apaches,  who  had  been  alway  s 
strongly  attached  to  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  governments, 
caused  some  kind  of  trouble  in  Rio  Arriba.  These  Indians,  as 
we  learned  from  Juan  Ramon  Pacheco,  alreadj'  mentioned  in 
the  details  given  about  the  revolution  of  1837,  did  not  like  the 
Amerians,  and  lived  wandering  in  the  mountains,  instead  of 
around  the  populated  districts  as  they  were  wont  to  do  before. 
Be  it  as  it  may  about  the  wrong  they  might  have  committed, 
the  fact  is  that  a  military'  expedition  was  sent  from  Santa  Fe 
against  them.  At  Taos,  information  was  given  to  the  com- 
mander that  the  Indians  had  their  "Rancheria,"  stopping  place, 
at  Cieneguilla,  on  the  trail  leading  to  Pecuries.  A  guide,  Juan 
Chiquito,  was  procured  and  the  soldiers  under  his  direction 
proceeded  to  the  place  indicated.  When  they  reached  the 
rancheria,  they  saw  no  Indians  in  the  huts,  but  there  were 
some  dogs  tied  up  near  by  which  barked  at  the  strangers.  It 
was  evident  that  the  occupants  of  the  houses  were  not  far  off, 
but  the^'  could  not  be  seen,  as  they  had  scattered  in  the  thicket 
where  they  remained  concealed.  On  the  other  hand,  the  sol- 
diers could  not  safely  go  on  horseback  through  the  trees  in 
search  of  the  Indians.  At  this  critical  juncture,  two  old  In- 
dians, a  man  and  a  woman,  emerged  from  the  surrounding 
sabinos,  (juniperus  occidentalis),  holding  each  a  small, 
wooden  cross  in  their  hands,  as  a  sign  of  peace.  Whether  the 
captain  took  this  offenseless  deputation  as  an  insult  to  his 
authority  and  braver>',  is  not  known  ;  but  the  tradition  has  it 
that  he  was  coward  enough  to  order  the  killing  of  the  two  poor 


The  Beginning  op  the  American  Rule.  193 

creatures.  This  bloody  action  at  once  brought  on  an  attack 
which  did  not  turn  to  the  advantage  of  the  Americans.  The  In- 
dians, justly  incensed,  came  rushing  out  from  all  sides,  yelling  and 
beating  their  "tombes,"  drums,  in  full  earnest.  At  the  sound 
of  such  music,  the  soldiers'  horses  got  wild  and  ran  in  all  direc- 
tions, throwing  most  of  the  riders,  either  on  the  lower  limbs 
of  the  trees  or  on  the  rocks  of  the  ravines.  These  men,  of 
course,  were  picked  up  by  the  Indians  and  discharged  at  once 
from  all  military  duty.  The  expedition  consisted  of  forty  sol- 
diers. Of  these  the  Captain,  five  soldiers,  and  seven  wounded, 
escaped  with  life,  but  left  27  of  their  number  killed  by  the  In- 
dians. Juan  Ramon  Pacheco  .said  he  had  received  these  details 
from  the  guide  Juan  Chiquito,  the  day  after  the  encounter. 
The  action  took  place  on  the  15th  of  April  1853. 

As  regards  church  affairs  in  New  Mexico  under  the  Amer- 
ican rule,  they  remained  perfectly  undisturbed.  The  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  giving  full  liberty  of  conscience 
to  those  who  should  abide  by  it  and  support  it,  was  more 
in  favor  of  the  Catholic  religion  than  the  nominal  protection  it 
received  from  the  Mexican  Republic.  Still,  the  Church  could 
not  avail  herself  at  once  of  her  liberty  to  effect  as  much  good 
as  was  desired,  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  the  priests  remaining 
in  the  territory.  The  Franciscans  had  been  expelled,  and  of 
the  secular  priests,  some  had  returned  to  Mexico  before  the 
change  of  government,  despite  the  appeal  of  the  Vicario,  Juan 
Felipe  Ortiz,  entreating  them  not  to  abandon  their  parishes. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  was  impossible  for  the  Bishop  of  Durango 
to  find,  in  a  limited  space  of  time,  a  sufficient  number  of  priests 
to  supply  the  wants  of  all  the  parts  of  his  extensive  diocese. 
This  was  the  reason  which,  after  the  annexation  of  New  Mexico 
to  the  United  States,  moved  the  Fathers  of  the  VII.  Council  of 
Baltimore  to  petition  for  the  erection  of  a  Vicariate  Apostolic 
in  New  Mexico. 


CHAPTER  n. 

The  Creation  of  the    Vicariate    Apostolic  of   NfiW 

Mexico. 

By  decree  of  July  igtli,  1850,  Pope  Pius  IX-  made  New 
Mexico  a  Vicariate  Apostolic,  and  on  the  23d  of  the  same 
month,  appointed  for  it  as  Vicar  Apostolic,  with  the  title  of  Bishop 
of  Agathonica,  the  Rev.  John  B.  Lamy,  in  partibus,  from  the 
diocese  of  Cincinnati. 

Father  Lamy  received  episcopal  consecration  in  St. 
Peter's  Church,  the  Cathedral  of  Cincinnati,  on  the  24th  of 
November,  1850,  this  being  the  24th  Sunday  after  Pentecost. 
The  consecrator  was  the  Right  Rev.  Martin  John  Spalding, 
Bishop  of  lyouisville,  assisted  bj^  the  Right  Rev.  Amedeo  Rappe, 
Bishop  of  Cleveland,  Maurice  de  Saint  Plalais,  Bishop  of  Vin- 
cennes,  and  John  B.  Purcell,  the  Archbishop-elect  of  Cincin- 
nati, who  delivered  the  sermon  on  the  occasion.      ( i ) 

The  Right  Rev.  B.  I^amy  was  born  on  the  nth  of  October, 
1 8 14,  at  lycmpdes,  in  the  diocese  of  Clermont  Ferrand,  Depart- 
ment of  Puj'-de-Dome,  France.  His  parents,  John  L,amy  and 
Marie  Di^,  were  the  representatives  of  an  old  and  respected 
family  of  the  locality.  He  made  his  classical  studies  in  the 
preparatory  seminary  of  Clermont,  and  his  theological  course 
in  the  grand  seminary  of  Mont  Ferrand,  where  he  was  raised  to 
the  priesthood  on  Saturday  of  Ember  week,  December,  1838. 

After  a  few  months  spent  as  assistant  priest  in  a  parish  of 
his  native  diocese,  he  asked  for  and  obtained  in  1839  permission 

(1)    Taken  from  the  record  of  the  ceremony. 


Vicariate  Apostolic  of  New  Mexico.  195 

from  his  Ordinary  to  answer  the  call  of  the  Right.  Rev.  Bishop 
Purcell,  of  Cincinnati,  and  enlisted  himself  as  one  of  the  new  mis- 
sionaries the  Prelate  was  in  quest  of  for  the  missions  of  his 
diocese.  The  young  priest,  full  of  zeal  and  strength,  labored 
faithfully  and  successfully  in  several  missions  of  Ohio  and  Ken- 
tucky vintil,  to  his  great  surprise  and  amazement,  he  was 
notified  of  his  appointment  as  Bishop  of  the  recently  created 
Vicariate  Apostolic  of  New  Mexico. 

The  limits  of  the  Vicariate  were  those  of  the  territory  con- 
ceded in  1848  by  the  Mexican  government  to  the  United  States 
by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  with  the  exception  of  the 
towns  of  Doila  Ana  and  Las  Cruces,  whose  names  were  not 
mentioned  in  the  brief  of  erection.  It  was  only  in  1858,  by  decree 
of  March  21st,  that  those  localities  were  annexed  to  the  Vicar- 
iate. Until  then  the  two  places  remained  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Bishop  of  Durango,  Mexico,  as  the  whole  territory 
of  New  Mexico  w^as  before. 

The  young  Bishop,  after  his  consecration,  was  anxious  to 
start  for  the  field  of  his  labors,  but  the  Far  West  was  yet  very 
little  known  to  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  Cincinnati,  and  still 
less  did  they  know  what  route  would  safely  lead  to  New  Mexico. 
What  was  called  * 'the  traders*  trail,"  started  from  St.  L,ouis 
by  steamboat  to  Independence,  and  from  that  place,  by  wagon 
to  Santa  Fe,  about  900  miles,  led  through  prairies  without 
any  settlements.  This  w^as  the  most  direct  route  for  New 
Mexico.  As  we  have  seen  before,  it  was  rather  dangerous  for 
small  parties  on  account  of  the  roving  Comanche  Indians,  and 
during  the  winter  season  on  account  of  the  snow  storms  ;  but 
the  dangers  could  ahva3^s  be  avoided  to  some  extent,  by  joining 
the  Santa  Fe  trade  caravans  at  Independence  Landing.  This 
road  not  being  well  enough  known  to  be  recommended  from 
Cincinnati,  the  Bishop  took  that  of  New  Orleans,  which  was  the 
longest,  and  one  not  entirely  exempt  from  danger  after  all. 

From  New^  Orleans  Bishop  hs-my  took  a  boat,  which  was 
wrecked  on  reaching  the  shore  in  the  port  of  Galveston..  The 
lives  were  saved,  the  cargo  only  was  almost  entirely  lost,  still 
the  Vicar  Apostolic  was  able  to  save  his  books,  w^hich  were  the 
most  valuable  part  of  his  baggage.  From  Galveston  through 
Texas,  in  the  direction  of  New  Mexico,  there  were  not  to  be 


19(5  VicAKrATi':  Apostolic  of  Xeu'  Mkxico, 

found  more  facilities  for  transportation  than  some  wagons  or 
carts  going  occasionally  to  San  Antonio.  The  Right  Reverend 
traveler  had  not  to  wait  long  for  such  an  opportunity,  and  he 
took  it  at  once.  The  journej'  was  long  and  painful,  on  account 
of  the  lack  of  water,  sometimes  for  great  distances,  and  the 
poor  accommodations  of  the  conveyance.  Still  the  distance 
ahead  was  made  a  little  shorter  every  day.  When  not  far  from 
San  Antonio  the  missionary,  fearing  that  the  cart  on  which  he 
was  sitting  might  get  u.pset  in  the  crossing  of  a  deep  muddy 
place  it  had  to  go  over,  jumped  down  and  seriously  sprained 
his  ankle.  He  was  taken  to  the  town,  where  he  had  to  remain 
several  months  in  the  house  of  a  good  Irish  family  before  he 
could  resume  his  journey  towards  New  Mexico.  He.  at  last, 
reached  Santa  Fe  in  the  summer  of  185 1. 

On  his  arrival  at  Santa  Fe,  the  Right  Rev.  Bishop  found 
that  the  priests  in  New  Mexico  had  received  no  communi- 
cation from  their  Ordinar>^  about  any  change  of  administration, 
Ver}''  naturally  they  refused  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of 
the  Vicar  Apostolic.  This  was  certainly  a  disappointment  for 
Dr.  Lamy,  but  not  as  serious  a  difficulty  as  has  been  repre- 
sented by  some  men  who  have  written  on  the  matter.  Neither 
the  Bishop  of  Durango  can  be  blamed,  as  he  had  not  received 
any  official  notification  concerning  the  dismemberment  of  his 
diocese,  nor  the  priests,  as  they  continued  the  exercise  of  the 
jurisdiction  they  had  received  from  their  own  Diocesan  Prelate 
until  it  should  be  taken  from  them  by  the  same  authority. 
Moreover,  since  the  Americans  had  come  to  New  Mexico,  people 
and  priests  had  noticed  that  among  the  new  comers  were  many 
Protestants,  Jews,  and  "quien  sabe  que,"  who  knows  what 
else,  so  that  when  they  heard  that  a  new  bishop  had  come, 
without  having  been  previously  announced,  their  first  impres- 
sion was  that  he  might  very  well  be  anything  but  a  Catholic 
dignitary. 

The  Vicar  Apostolic  realized  his  position  at  once,  and  set 
out  with  no  more  delay  for  Durango,  in  order  to  show  his  cre- 
dentials to  the  Bishop  of  that  city.  He  left  in  Santa  Fe  the 
Rev.  Joseph  P.  Machebeuf,  who  had  come  with  him  from  Ohio 
for  the  missions  of  New  Mexico.  The  Rev.  gentleman  was 
invited  by  the  parish  priest  of  Santa  Fe,   Rev.  Lujan,  to  sing 


Vicariate  Apostolic  of  New  Mexico.  197 

mass  on  the  next  Sunday,  and  tried  to  address  the  congrega- 
tion, after  the  priest  had  introduced  him  not  at  all  very  warmly. 
It  must  be  taken  as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  new  missionary 
spoke  good  words  for  the  glory  of  God  and  in  behalf  of  his 
Bishop,  but  the  fact  is  that  nobody  understood  much  of  what 
he  said,  as  he  did  not  speak  the  language  of  the  country. 
Hence  it  was  that  a  controversy  arose  among  the  people  on  the 
plaza,  after  mass,  as  to  what  religion  the  stranger  might  belong 
to.  "He  must  be  a  Jew  or  a  Protestant,"  said  some,  "because  he 
does  not  speak  as  Christians  do."  "Quiensabe?"  (Who  can 
tell?)  replied  others.  "Still  he  said  mass  in  Latin,  and  like  a 
priest  who  knows  how  to  do  it,  and  be  it  said  en  pas.sant,  he 
sings  better  than  our  priests."  At  last,  a  good  woman,  who  like 
other  women,  always  anxious  to  know  what  is  the  matter,  had 
stopped  and  listened  to  the  running  conversation,  stepped 
bravely  forward  and  pertinently  said  :  "What  reason  have  you 
to  be  perplexed  about  the  religion  of  this  man  ?  Did  he  not 
give  a  good  proof  that  he  is  a  Catholic  by  the  way  he  made  the 
sign  of  the  cross  before  giving  his  sermon  ?' '  This  sensible  re- 
mark ended  the  question  and  removed  great  suspicions  in 
regard  to  the  religion  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  B.  Machebeuf. 

Father  Machebeuf  was  born  in  the  city  of  Riom  in  the 
Department  of  Puy-de-Dome.  France,  on  the  nth  of  August, 
1812.  Having  lo.st  his  mother  w^hen  he  was  only  nine  years 
old,  his  first  education  was  intrusted  to  two  good  ladies  who 
conducted  a  school  for  young  children  in  a  portion  of  his 
father's  house.  When  a  little  older,  he  was  sent  to  the  school 
of  the  Christian  Brothers,  and  later,  for  his  classical  course,  to 
the  college  of  the  same  city.  Having  then  determined  to  be- 
come a  priest,  he  entered  in  1831  the  seminary  of  Mont  Ferrand 
for  the  study  of  philosophy  and  theology,  which  he  completed 
in  1836,  when  he  was  raised  to  the  priesthood  on  Saturday  of 
Christmas  Ember  week. 

After  his  ordination  he  was  assigned  to  the  parish  of  Le 
Cendre  as  assistant  to  a  venerable  priest  who,  on  account  of  his 
infirmities,  was  unable  to  attend  any  more  to  the  duties  of  his 
charge.  He  was  in  that  position  in  1838,  when  he  heard  that 
Bishop  Purcell,  recently  consecrated  Bishop  of  Cincinnati,  was 
in  Rome  and  intended  to  come  to  Clermont  Ferrand  in  search 


198  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Xew  Mexico. 

of  missionaries  for  his  diocese.  The  opportunity  seemed  to 
Father  Machebeuf  ver>'  favorable  for  carrying  out  the  idea  he  had 
entertained  for  years,  of  devoting  himself  to  the  work  of  foreign 
missions.  He  spoke  on  the  subject  to  some  priests,  country- 
men and  friends  of  his,  the  Revs.  John  B.  Lamy,  Gacon,  Chey- 
mol  and  Navaron,  and  the  five  made  the  necessar}^  arrange- 
ments to  be  ready  to  enlist  themselves  for  the  missions  of  Ohio, 
when  the  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  Purcell  should  present  himself  in  the 
city  of  Clermont  on  his  return  from  the  Eternal  City. 

Soon  after  their  arrival  at  Cincinnati  the  new  missionaries 
were  sent  to  different  country  places  of  the  diocese  for  mission 
work.  The  Rev.  Machebeuf  gave  himself  to  the  task,  body 
and  soul,  and  succeeded  in  accomplishing  a  great  amount  of 
good  wherever  he  went.  In  1850  he  received  a  visit  from  his 
friend  Father  Lamy,  the  newly  appointed  Vicar  Apostolic  of 
New  Mexico,  who  requested  him  to  follow  him  to  the  far  west. 
Then  arose  in  the  heart  of  Father  Machebeuf  a  strong  fight  be- 
tween the  love  he  had  for  the  missions  of  Ohio  and  the  devoted- 
ness  he  had  always  professed  for  Father  Lam}'.  Friendship 
prevailed  at  last,  and  consent  was  given.  Bishop  Lamy,  after 
his  consecration,  set  out  for  New  Orleans,  where  Father  Mache- 
beuf was  to  meet  him  a  few  days  later.  Thence  they  started 
together  for  Santa  Fe.  During  the  time  Bishop  Lamy  had  to 
stay  in  San  Antonio  on  account  of  the  accident  spoken  of  be- 
fore, Father  Machebeuf,  at  the  request  of  Bishop  Odin,  gave 
several  successful  missions  in  Texas. 

The  Right  Rev.  Vicar  Apostolic  of  New  Mexico  was 
kindly  received  by  the  Bishop  of  Durango,  the  Right  Rev. 
Zubiria,  who  at  seeing  the  decree  of  the  Holy  See  establishing 
the  Vicariate  of  New  Mexico,  said  :  "I  knew  nothing  about  it 
officially,  but  this  document  is  sufficient  authority  for  me  and  I 
submit  to  it."  The  Vicar  Apostolic  spent  some  days  with  good 
Bishop  Zubiria  and  left  Durango  for  New  Mexico,  having  then 
all  the  papers  necessary  to  show  that  jurisdiction  was  claimed 
no  longer  by  the  Prelate  of  Durango  over  the  territory'  assigned 
to  the  new  Vicariate. 

Dr.  Lamy,  it  is  said,  made  the  long  journey  from  Santa  Fe 
to  Durango  on  horseback,  having  only  a  servant  as  companion, 
and  it  is  estimated  that  he  had  traveled  1,900  miles  when  he 


Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Xew  IMexico.  199 

got  back  to  his  mission.  The  first  care  of  the  Prelate,  after 
publishing  all  the  documents  which  assigned  to  him  the 
Vicariate,  was  to  organize  its  missions.  He  and  his  "alter  ego,'  * 
the  Rev.  Joseph  P.  Machebeuf,  whom  he  made  his  Vicar  Gen- 
eral, multiplied  themselves  as  much  as  it  was  in  their  power 
to  help  the  priests  residing  in  the  territory,  and  to  meet  the 
spiritual  wants  of  the  scattered  population.  In  his  visits 
through  the  missions  of  the  Vicariate,  the  Bishop  convinced 
himself  that  the  education  of  the  people,  except  in  some  rich 
families,  had  been  very  limited,  if  not  entirely  neglected  in 
many  instances.  There  was,  however,  a  branch  of  learning 
and  this  indeed,  the  first  among  all  others,  the  teaching  of 
catechism  and  of  the  Christian  prayers,  which  had  been  kept 
alive  in  the  Mexican  families  since  the  time  of  the  Franciscan 
missionaries.  Still  this  instruction,  though  very  creditable, 
was  generally  far  from  being  complete. 

The  writer  of  these  pages,  who  came  to  New  Mexico  nine 
years  after  Bishop  Lamy,  remembers  yet  with  pleasure  and 
edification,  the  Christian  customs  he  noticed  in  existence  in 
many  of  the  Mexican  families,  where  he  had  occasionally  to 
stop,  when  visiting  the  scattered  towns  and  settlements  of  his 
parish.  In  the  first  place,  prayers  and  catechism  were  taught 
orally  to  the  3^oung  children  by  some  member  of  the  family  or 
by  some  trusty  person  of  the  neighborhood,  and  repeated  word 
for  w^ord,  question  after  question,  until  some  part  of  the  lesson 
would  remain  in  the  memory  of  the  hearers.  This  was  a  hard 
work,  but  a  meritorious  one,  and  one  of  great  valiie  to  the  mis- 
sionar>^  who  had  only  to  explain  the  mysteries  and  the  chief 
points  of  our  religion  to  the  children  thus  instructed  at  home, 
when  he  had  to  prepare  them  for  their  first  communion.  This 
teaching  is  now  mostly  left  to  the  parochial  schools,  where 
they  exist,  but  at  the  time  we  refer  to  there  were  no  parochial 
schools  except  in  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  and,  in  our  opinion, 
th^se  schools  can  accomplish  vers'  little  in  inculcating  religion 
in  the  hearts  of  the  3'oung,  if  this  work  has  not  been  commenced 
at  home. 

Every  evening  it  was  customary  to  make  the  children 
say  some  pra3'ers  which  always  terminated  with  the  words  : 
"Bendito  y  alabado  sea  el  Santisimo  Sacramento  del  Altar," 


200  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Xew  ^Iexico, 

"Blessed  and  hallowed  be  the  most  hol^'  Sacrament  of  the 
Altar."  After  this,  the  innocent  creatures,  still  kneeling,  had 
to  kiss  the  hand  of  their  parents  and  receive  their  blessing  be- 
fore going  to  bed.  The  same  blessing  had  also  to  be  asked, 
even  by  the  grown  children  of  the  house,  when  they  were  com- 
ing from  their  confession. 

The  way  to  introduce  oneself  in  a  house  was  to  say,  on 
opening  the  door  :  "Deo  gratias,"  (Thanks  be  to  God,)  or 
"Ave  Maria  Purisima,"  (Hail  Mary  Immaculate,)  and  the 
answer  received  was:  "Para  siempre  bendito  sea  Dios  y  la 
siempre  Virgin  Maria;  pase  adelante,"  (for  ever  blessed  be 
God  and  the  holy  Virgin  Mary  ;    come  in. ) 

The  salutation  "good  morning"  or  "good  evening"  had  to 
be  given  in  the  name  of  God  and  returned  in  the  same  manner. 
"Buenos  dias,  (buenas  tardes)  le  de  Dios,"  which  was  re- 
sponded by  :  "Que  Dios  se  los  de  buenos  a  Vd. "  (May  God 
give  them  good  to  you. ) 

Another  kind  of  a  pious  and  interesting  salutation  was  used 
by  persons  at  a  distance  from  each  other.  The  one  who  could 
first  address  the  other  by  the  words  "Ave  Maria"  had  the  right 
to  be  answered  by  the  recitation  of  the  whole  Hail  Mary,  for 
his  intention.  These  and  many  other  manifestations  of  a 
Christian  spirit  were  very  common  among  the  people  of  New 
Mexico  when  Bishop  L/amy  took  possession  of  his  Vicariate. 

Two  years  later  the  governor  of  New  Mexico,  William 
Carr  Lane,  wrote  the  following  words  in  his  message  to  the 
Legislative  Assembly,  December  7,  1852  : 

" I  also  urge  upon  all  to  learn  the  English  lan- 
guage and  to  adopt  all  the  customs  of  the  United  States,  that 
are  suitable  and  proper  for  this  countr>^  But  I  do  not  advise 
them  (the  Mexican  people)  to  change  any  of  their  beneficial  or 
praiseworthy  customs,  nor  do  I  advise  them  to  forget  their 
parent  stock,  and  the  proud  recollections  that  cluster  around 
Castilian  history.  I  do  not  advise  them  to  disuse  their  beauti- 
ful language,  to  lay  aside  their  dignified  manners  and  puncti- 
lious attention  to  the  proprieties  of  social  life,  and  I  sincerely 
hope  that  the  profound  deference  that  is  now  paid  to  age  by 

the  young  will  undergo  no  change." "True  it  is,  that  the 

Mexican  people  have  been  always  noted  for  their  distinguished 


Vicariate  Apostolic  op  ]New  Mexico.  201 

manners  and  Christian  customs,  it  is  only  to  be  regretted  to  see 
that  some  of  their  good  usages  are  disappearing  little  by  little 
before  what  is  called  progress  in  our  days." 

Churches  existed  in  some  localities,  but  those  that  had  re- 
mained without  resident  priests  for  long  years  had  gone  to  ruin, 
or  were  approaching  it.  Almost  everything,  so  to  speak, 
needed  to  be  created,  but  as  everything  could  not  be  started  at 
the  same  time,  the  Bishop  rightly  determined  to  leave  for  an- 
other time  the  building  or  repairing  of  churches,  and  to  give  his 
attention  first  to  the  adornment  of  the  living  temples  of  God, 
by  securing  a  good  education  for  the  3^outh  of  his  Vicariate. 


13* 


CHAPTER  in. 

The  Vicar  Apostolic  of  New  Mexico   Goes  East  iisr 
Search    of    Sisters    to    Conduct  a   Girl's  School  i^ 

Santa  Fe. 

In    1852,    Bishop  Lamy,    when    coming  back   from  the 
Provincial  Council  of  Baltimore,  availed  himself  of  the  oppor- 
tunity to  see  if  he  could  find  some  Sisters  who  would  take 
charge  of  the  direction  of  a  school  in  his  poor  Vicariate.     The 
first  door  he  went  to  knock  at  for  the  purpose  he  had  in  view, 
was  that  of  the  convent  of  the  Sisters  of  Loretto,  at  Bardstown. 
There  he  represented  the  sad  condition  of  the  people  entrusted 
to  his  care,  in  regard  to  education  ;  their  povert3%  and  the  need 
in  which  they  stood  of  some  help  to  bring  them  up  in  civiliza- 
tion and  the  knowledge  of  their  Christian  duties.     Indeed  it 
can  easil}'  be  surmised  by  those  who  have  known  the  scrupu- 
lous sincerity'  of  the  Bishop  and  the  country  he  had  to  speak  of 
at  that  time,  that  the  picture  he  drew  of  his  Vicariate,  could 
not  be  a  very   attractive  one   for  ordinary  listeners.     But  he 
spoke  to  a  society  of  Sisters  who  called  themselves  "The  Friends 
of  Mary  at  the  Foot  of  the  Cross, ' '  and  the  more  he  spok  eof  the 
difficulties,  trials  and  hardships  he  could  foresee  awaiting  any  re- 
ligious community  coming   at  that  time  to   his   diocese,  the 
more  clearly  the  Sisters  saw  they  could  there  carrj'  out  the  spirit* 
of  their  name  and  the  rules  of  their  constitution.     His  petition 
w^as  granted  at  once,  and  six  Sisters,  out  of  those  who  volun- 
teered for  the  new  mission,  were  designated  by  the  council  of 
the  house  for  the  founding  of  a  school  in  Santa  Fe.     These 


The  Vicar  Apostolic  Calls  Sisters  to  Santa  Fe.  203 

•were  :  Sisters  Matilda,  the  Superior  of  the  colony,  Catherine, 
Mary  Magdalen,  Monica,  Hilaria  and  Ruperta.  As  the  Bishop 
had  to  go  to  New  Orleans  on  some  particular  business,  the 
Sisters  were  sent  to  St.  Louis,  where  His  Lordship  would  meet 
them  on  his  return  from  Louisiana. 

Here  we  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Mother  Mary 
Magdalen  on  the  12th  of  July  1854,  to  one  of  her  school  mates, 
then  in  the  cit}^  of  Mexico,  the  following  interesting  details  : 

" On  the  26th  of  June  1852,   I  left  Loretto  for  Santa 

Fe,  with  five  other  Sisters.  One  of  them  died  of  the  cholera 
on  the  steamboat  from  St.  Louis  to  Independence.  Another  one 
felt  so  sick  and  feeble  on  account  of  the  same  disease,  that  it 
was  necessary'  to  send  her  back  for  her  convalescence,  and  your 
humble  servant  was  also  severely  attacked  by  the  dreadful 
scourge,  but  stopped,  with  the  help  of  God,  at  the  gates  of 
death  and  could  pursue  her  journey  with  the  remaining  Sisters. 
We  left  Independence  on  the  first  of  August  and  reached  Santa 
Fe  on  the  27  th  of  September. 

During  the  joume^^  on  the  plains  we  had  mass  said  under 
a  tent  every  Sunday  by  the  Bishop,  w^e  went  to  confession  and 
had  the  happiness  to  receive  the  Holy  Communion  as  many 

times What  we  saw  in  our  travels  was  almost  entirely 

new  to  us,  and  impressed  us  in  many  different  ways.  Those 
immense  plains  with  their  meandering  creeks  and  rivers,  those 
numberless  ferocious  looking  animals,  called  cibolos  or  buffaloes 
told  us  of  the  power  and  greatness  of  the  Creator,  and  the  fear- 
ful storms  of  wind,  rain,  lightening  and  thunder,  reminded  us 
also  of  our  nothingness  before  God,  but  nothing  frightened  us 
more  than  the  Indians.     For  a  time,  we  were  surrounded  by 

hundreds  of  these  sons  of  the  forests The  reception  the 

citizens  of  Santa  Fe  gave  to  their  Bishop  and  to  us  as  his  com- 
panions, was  such  as  we  never  saw  before.  This  is  a  proof  of 
the  veneration  the  Mexicans  have  for  their  religion." 

The  Sister  who  died  on  the  boat  had  been,  as  we  have 
seen,  sent  as  Superior  of  the  house  to  be  opened  in  Santa  Fe. 
She  w^as  replaced  by  Sister  Mar)'  Magdalen,  w^ho  received  the 
news  of  her  appointment  on  her  arrival  at  Santa  Fe. 

Having  reached  their  destination,  the  Sisters  were  given  a 
residence  in  a  portion  of  a  large  building   vacated  for   them 


204  The  Vicar  AposTolic  Calls  Sisters  to  Saota  Fe, 

by  the  Bishop,  who  confined  himself  to  the  use  of  the  other 
side.  There  they  opened  a  school,  but  the  next  year  the  house 
proved  too  small  for  the  accommodation  of  the  pupils  applying' 
for  admission  from  all  parts  of  the  Territor>\  The  Bishop 
then  moved  to  another  place,  leaving  the  whole  building  to  the 
Sisters,  on  November  i8th,  1853, 

Soon  after  it  became  necessary  to  purchase  another  prop- 
erty, extensive  enough  to  answ^er  the  purpose  of  the  Sisters' 
growing  institution.  This  lies  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Santa 
Fe  river,  onl^'  a  few  steps  from  the  cathedral.  There  the 
Sisters  have  remained  since,  making  it  the  Convent  of  Our  Lady 
of  Light,  thus  called  after  the  name  of  an  old  church  which 
was  built  in  Santa  Fe,  under  the  Spanish  government,  for  the 
special  use  of  the  soldiers,  and  which,  for  this  reason,  was  com- 
monly called  "La  Castrense"  or  the  church  of  the  military 
camp.  Slowly  but  steadily  the  Sisters  have  improved  their 
property  all  the  time.  The  grounds,  once  without  any  trees, 
have  taken  the  shape  of  a  rich  orchard ;  the  adobe  buildings 
which  had  been  built  successively  as  need  required,  have  now 
gradually  retreated  to  make  room  for  the  elegant  gothic  chapel 
built  in  1873  ;  next,  in  1880,  for  the  three-story  academy  build- 
ing, and  in  1892,  for  the  new  convent,  also  a  three-story  brick 
structure. 

Mother  Magdalen,  who  died  on  October  27th,  1894,  at 
the  age  of  81  years,  acted  as  Superior  from  September,  1852, 
until  August  28,  1 88 1,  when  on  account  of  a  painful  rheuma- 
tism she  had  to  resign  her  charge.  She  was  succeeded  by 
Mother  Francisca  Lamy,  who  is  yet  in  office  at  the  present 
time.  These  two  superiors  have  acted  in  the  same  spirit  of  self 
abnegation  and  charity  for  the  good  of  religion  and  for  their 
pupils.  As  to  the  change  for  the  better  w^hich  has  been  effected 
in  New  Mexico  by  the  teachings  and  example  of  the  Sisters, 
this  is  known  only  to  God  and,  to  some  extent,  to  those  who 
lived  in  the  Territory  before  the  coming  of  these  zealous  and 
devoted  "Friends  of  Mary  at  the  Foot  of  the  Cross." 

The  church  of  Our  Lady  of  Light,  above  mentioned,  was 
used  as  the  'parochial  church  of  Santa  Fe  when  Bishop  Lamy 
took  possession  of  the  Vicariate.  It  was  located  on  the  south 
side  of  the  plaza,  in  the  center  of  the  town,  between  business 


The  Vicar  Apostolic  Calls  Sisters  to  Santa  Fe.  205 

houses,  which  made  it  too  much  of  a  pubHc  place  for  the  con- 
venient holding  of  religious  services.  It  was,  moreover,  in  a 
bad  state  of  preservation  and  too  small  for  the  population.  The 
Bishop  ver>'  wisely  thought  it  was  better  to  sell  it  with  the 
consent  of  the  Hol^^  See,  and  use  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  for> 
repairing  the  old  church  of  St.  Francis,  which  was  a  great  deal 
larger  and  apart  from  the  noisy  business  places. 

The  altar  piece  of  the  Castrense  church  can  yet  be  seen 
standing  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  old  St.  Francis  church  in  the 
rear  of  the  main  altar  of  the  new  cathedral.  It  is  a  stone  mon- 
ument, about  forty  feet  high  by  eighteen  in  width,  representing 
some  scenes  of  missionary  life  among  the  Indians.  It  had  been 
erected  in  the  Castrense,  it  is  said,  by  order  of  Governor  An- 
tonio Marin  del  Valle  and  his  wife,  and  was  transferred  to  the 
cathedral  in  1859,  after  the  sale  of  the  Castrense. 

On  the  base  of  the  monument  are  engraved  the  following 
inscriptions  : 

1.  A  devocion  del  Sefior  Dn.  Francisco  Antonio  Marin 
del  Valle,  Gobernador  y  Capitan  General  de  este  reino, 

2.  y  de  su  Esposa  Dona  Maria  Ignacia  Martinez  de 
Ugarte,  Auo  D.  1761. 

Translation  : 

1.  By  devotedness  of  Dn.  Francisco  Antonio  Marin  del 
Valle,  Governor  and  Captain  General  of  this  province, 

2.  and  of  his  wife.  Dona  Maria  Ignacia  Martinez  de 
TJgarte,  A.  D.  1761. 

There  was  also  in  the  same  church  a  representation  of  Our 
Lady  of  lyight,  carved  in  low  relief,  on  a  piece,  five  by  three 
feet,  of  fine  white  stone.  This  other  reHc  of  the  past,  which 
adorned  the  entrance  of  the  old  Sisters*  house  since  1853,  but 
which  could  not  conveniently  be  placed  on  the  front  of  the  new 
convent,  is  now  kept  in  the  San  Francisco  Museum,  adjoining 
the  cathedral. 


CHAPTER     IV. 

The  Vicariate  of  New   Mexico  Raised  to  The  Rank 
OF  an  Episcopal  See.— The  Vicar  Apostolic  Goes  to 
Europe  for  Priests. 

At  the  request  of  the  Fathers  assembled  in  Synod  at  Bal- 
timore, the  Holy  Father  Pius  IX.,  by  decree  of  July  29th  1853, 
raised  the  Vicariate  of  New  Mexico  to  the  rank  of  an  Episcopal 
See,  attached  to  the  city  of  Santa  Fe. 

When  Bishop  Lamy  arrived  in  New  Mexico,  he  found 
nine  priests  residing  in  as  man}'  Indian  pueblos,  and  a  few 
others  who  had  charge  of  Mexican  parishes.  They  wefe  alto- 
gether unable  to  meet  the  spiritual  wants  of  all  the  population, 
scattered  over  the  Territory.  This  made  it  necessary  for  the 
Bishop  and  his  Vicar  General  to  work  as  missionary'  priests. 
Both  were  young,  active  and  good  horseriders ;  they  traveled 
from  one  settlement  to  another,  and  preached  the  Word  of  God 
to  many  who  were  not  accustomed  to  hear  it  in  the  Ibcalities 
where  they  lived. 

The  Bishop  had  already  visited  the  whole  of  his  diocese, 
he  knew  all  its  wants  and  seeing  that  the  Sisters'  school  at 
Santa  Fe  was  properly  established,  he  thought  it  was  now  time 
for  him  to  see  how  he  could  increase  the  number  of  his  priests 
in  the  missions. 

For  that  purpose  he  left  Santa  Fe  early  in  1854  for  a 
journey  to  Europe,  where  he  rightty  believed  he  would  find 
some  priests  or  ecclesiastical  students  for  his  diocese.  This 
time,  he  took  the  road  known  as  the  Mexican  trader's  trail, 


The:  Bishop  Calls  Priests  to  Saxta  Ffi.  207 

g^oiiig  with  a  caravan  through  the  plains  extending  from  Las 
Vegas  to  Independence,  on  the  Missouri  river.  From  Inde- 
pendence  he  went  rapidly  through  the  States,  sailed  from  New 
York  across  the  Atlantic  ocean,  and  hastened  toward  Clermont, 
the  capital  of  his  native  department  in  France.  There  he 
found  himself  at  home,  both  with  the  Bishop  who  had  con- 
ferred on  him  all  the  sacred  orders,  and  in  the  seminars',  where 
he  had  made  his  philosophical  and  theological  studies.  He 
had  only  to  explain  the  object  of  his  visit  and  it  was  soon  shown 
that  the  diocese  which  had  already  given  the  saintly  Bishop 
Flaget,  the  Revs.  Gacon,  Cheymol  and  others  to  the  missions 
of  the  United  States,  would  also  have  some  apostolic  men  for 
the  poor  missions  of  New  Mexico. 

The  first  one  who  responded  to  the  call  of  the  3'oung  BishoJD 
of  Santa  Fe  was  the  Rev.  Peter  Eguillon,  then  the  first  assis- 
tant priest  of  one  of  the  principal  churches  of  the  city.  This 
priest  was  kept  about  a  year  in  Santa  Fe  to  teach  theology  to 
some  seminarians,  and  to  prepare  them  for  their  ordination. 
In  October,  1855,  he  was  sent  as  parish  priest  to  Socorro,  where 
he  remained  until  November  4th,  1858,  when  he  was  appointed 
parish  priest  of  the  Cathedral  and  Vicar  General  of  the  diocese. 
Father  Eguillon  died  on  the  21st  of  Juty,  1892,  in  the  seventy- 
fourth  year  of  his  age,  after  thirty  years  of  meritorious  and 
fruitful  work  in  the  missions  of  New  Mexico. 

The  second  one  was  the  Rev.  Anthony  Juillard,  a  zealous 
priest,  who  remained  only  a  few  years  in  the  diocese  owing  to 
bad  health,  and  returned  to  France,  where  he  died  in  1888. 
The  third  was  Rev.  Stephen  Avel  who,  on  the  3d  of  August,  1858, 
died  as  parish  priest  of  Mora.  These  three  priests  came  from  the 
diocese  of  Clermont.  With  them  came  also  the  Revs.  Damazo 
Taladrid  and  C.  Martin,  whom  the  Bishop  had  met  in  Rome. 

Of  the  same  party  were  three  seminarians,  viz.  :  The 
Revs.  John  Guerin,  a  deacon,  who  was  ordained  priest  on  the 
23d  of  December  of  the  year  1854,  and  who  died  as  parish  priest 
of  Mora,  June  loth,  1885  ;  Eugene  Paulet,  a  sub-deacon,  or- 
dained priest  December  22d,  1855,  who  died  in  France  in  1887, 
having  been  the  parish  priest  of  Belen  for  over  thirty  years, 
and  Xavier  Vaure,  a  deacon,  who  died  on  the  day  of  his  arrival 
at  Santa  Fe  of  a  disease  he  had  contracted  on  the  plains.     It 


208  The  Bishop  Calls  Priests  to  Sakta  Fe. 

was  on  the  i8th  of  November,  1854,  after  an  absence  of  teu 
months,  that  Bishop  lyamy  and  his  party  reached  Santa  Fe. 

During  the  Prelate's  absence,  a  young  priest  by  the  name 
of  Carlos  Brun,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  priesthood  in  De- 
cember, 1853,  and  who  was  left  in  charge  of  the  Cathedral, 
built  a  house,  which  for  a  time  was  made  the  episcopal  residence, 
and  a  school  for  boys.  This  building  is  now  included  in  the 
premises  of  St.  Vincent's  Hospital. 

The  Bishop  had  already  increased  the  number  of  his  priests, 
but  not  enough  yet  to  supply  the  population  of  his  diocese  with 
a  complete  spiritual  administration.  The  Sisters'  school  at 
Santa  Fe  required  also  an  additional  number  of  teachers,  as  the 
pupils  were  becoming  more  numerous  every  year.  He  then 
determined  in  1856,  to  send  the  Very  Rev.  Machebeuf  to  France 
for  new  missionaries,  with  the  understanding  that  on  coming 
back,  he  should  procure  at  Loretto  some  Sisters  ready  to  follow 
him  to  New  Mexico. 

The  journey  of  the  Vicar  General  was  not  in  vain,  as  it 
procured  six  new  subjects  for  the  diocese.  These  were  :  The 
Revs.  Gabriel  Ussel,  Joseph  M.  Coudert,  Agustin  Truchard, 
John  B.  Ralliere,  John  B.  Fa3^et  and  Joseph  Fialon,  The  four 
first  named  received  the  priesthood  on  the  12th  of  December  of 
the  same  year,  and  were  assigned  at  once  to  different  missions, 
the  Revs.  Coudert  and  Ralliere  have  bravely  toiled  since  for 
the  good  of  souls  in  the  diocese.  The  Revs.  Ussel  and  Truch- 
ard left  New  Mexico  a  number  of  years  since,  the  first  for  the 
diocese  of  Denver,  and  the  other  for  France,  his  native  countr^^ 
on  account  of  ill  health.     Both  are  yet  living. 

The  same  year,  1856,  on  the  i6th  of  February,  Rev.  Ray- 
mund  Medina,  a  native  of  New  Mexico,  who  had  made  his 
studies  in  the  diocese,  was  ordained  priest  and  is  now  the  parish 
priest  of  Penasco. 

In  1857,  on  Saturday  of  Ember  week  in  I^ent,  were  raised 
to  the  priesthood  the  Revs.  J.  B.  Fayet,  Joseph  Fialon,  who, 
owing  to  bad  health,  left  the  diocese  in  1870,  and  Thomas 
Hayes,  who  for  the  same  reason  went  to  Ireland,  his  native 
country,  in  1889,  and  died  there  in  May,  1892. 

Rev.  Fayet,  after  his  ordination,  was  sent  to  San  Miguel 
as  assistant  priest   and   soon   after  to  Antonchico,   where  he 


XXXI.     Sacred  Heart  Church  and  School, 

PRESCOTT,   Ariz. 


XXXII.     Church  of  Flagstaff,  Ariz. 


'-"^ 


€ 


XXXIII.     Franciscan  Monastery,  Phcenix,  Ariz. 


XXXIV.     Franciscan  Fathers,   Phcenix,   Ariz. 


XXXI.     Sacred  Heart  Church  and  School, 

PRESCOTT,   Ariz. 


XXXII.     Church  of  Flagstaff,  Ariz. 


r^-'-'r^v  • 


•■'"1 


XXXIII.     Franciscan  Monastery,  Phcenix,  Ariz. 


XXXIV.     Franciscan  Fathers,    Phcenix,  Ariz. 


The  Bishop  Calls  Priests  to  Santa  Fe.  209 

founded  a  parish  and  remained  until  the  beginning  of  January, 
1866,  when  he  was  appointed  the  parish  priest  of  San  Miguel. 
There  the  Rev.  Father  Fayet  had  not  to  build  church  and  resi- 
dence, as  had  been  the  case  for  him  at  Antonchico  ;  still  he  found 
room  for  improvements  in  both  church  and  house.  He  fur- 
nished first  the  church  with  good  sacerdotal  vestments  and  had 
it  adorned  with  two  new  towers.  Not  long  after,  he  estab- 
lished, mostly  at  his  own  expense  as  we  suppose,  schools  for 
boys  and  girls  in  the  town  of  San  Miguel.  These  schools  have 
been  ably  conducted  since  by  the  Sisters  of  Charity  from  St. 
Joseph,  Ohio.  The  writer  of  these  pages  happened  to  be  pres- 
ent on  the  22d  of  July,  1893,  at  the  commencements  of  the  San 
Miguel  schools,  and  was  highly  pleased  with  the  teaching 
method  of  the  Sisters,  and  with  the  proficiency  of  the  pupils. 

In  1858,  Rev.  Michael  Welby  was  ordained  priest  and  put 
in  charge  of  the  parish  of  Isleta,  with  residence  in  the  pueblo 
of  that  name,  but  remained  there  only  a  short  time  and  left  the 
diocese.  The  same  must  be  said  of  Rev.  Peter  Hart,  a  priest 
who  had  come  from  Cincinnati,  and  who  returned  to  his  diocese 
after  a  short  trial  of  the  Santa  Fe  missions.  As  a  matter  of 
course,  at  the  time  w^e  speak  of,  the  New  Mexico  missions,  in 
w^hich  the  Spanish  language  was  almost  exclusively  spoken, 
were  not  attractive  to  nor  could  they  be  usefully  administered 
by  merely  English  speaking  priests. 

In  1859,  September  24th,  on  Saturday  of  Ember  week, 
were  raised  to  the  priesthood  the  Revs.  Miguel  Vigil,  Manuel 
Chavez,  and  Sembran  Tafoya,  three  native  Mexicans,  who  had 
been  educated  in  the  diocese  and  who  died  in  its  missions,  the 
last  being  killed  by  the  upsetting  of  his  vehicle  when  on  a  visit 
to  his  chapels  in  Eincoln  county. 


CHAPTER  V. 

More    Priests   and    More    Teachers  Needed  in   the 

Diocese. 

{1)     The  Bishop  of  Santa  Fe,  Early  in  1859,  Sends  His  Vicar 

General,  Rev.  Peter  Eguillon,  to  Europe  for  Christian  Brothers 

and  New  Missionaries. 

Provision  had  been  made,  as  we  have  seen  before,  for  the 
education  of  3'oung  girls  in  Santa  Fe  ;  the  principal  parishes  of 
the  diocese  had  been  also  provided  with  priests  ;  this  was  al- 
ready a  great  change  for  the  better  in  New  Mexico  in  a  period 
of  seven  years,  but  it  was  not  enough  to  satisfy  the  pastoral 
ambition  of  good  Bishop  lyamy.  He  was  anxious  to  have  also 
a  good  institution  in  the  capital  of  the  territory  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  young  men,  and  were  it  possible,  an  additional 
number  of  priests  for  the  missions  of  his  diocese.  In  order  to 
secure  both  priests  and  teachers,  he  sent  his  second  Vicar  Gen- 
eral, the  Very  Rev.  P.  Eguillon,  to  look  for  them  in  Europe. 
This  priest,  like  his  Bishop  and  the  Very  Rev.  Machebeuf,  had 
come  from  Clermont,  where  he  had  left  a  splendid  record,  and 
thither  he  hastened  to  repair  before  going  anywhere  else,  if 
need  might  require.  He  stopped  first  in  the  preparatory  sem- 
inary, where,  by  wa^^  of  conversation,  and  to  answer  the  many 
questions  addressed  to  him  by  the  professors  of  the  institution, 
he  explained  the  object  of  his  presence  in  his  native  country. 
He  spoke  of  the  impossibility  of  the  priests  of  the  diocese  of 
Santa  Fe  visiting  their  congregations  even  once  a  month  ;  of 
the  long  distances  they  had  to  travel  on  horseback,    almost 


More  Priests  and  Teachers  for  Santa  Fe.  211 

"daily,  in  all  kinds  of  weather  and,  in  many  instances  on  roads 
infested  by  hostile  Indians.  These  priests,  he  said,  worked 
very  hard,  and  still  failed  to  give  a  regular  administration  to 
the  whole  of  the  faithful  entrusted  to  their  care.  He  said 
enough  in  a  few  days  to  make  an  impression  on  his  hearers  and 
especially  on  two  of  them,  the  Revs.  J.  B.  Salpointe  and  Francis 
Jouvenceau,  who,  from  the  beginning,  oflfered  to  follow  him 
provided  the^^  could  get  the  consent  of  their  Bishop. 

From  the  theological  seminary  of  MontFerrand,  the  Vicar 
General  obtained  also  a  subdeacon,  the  Rev.  Benedict  Bernard, 
and  Peter  Martin,  w^ho  had  received  the  minor  orders.  These 
were  joined,  soon  after,  b3'  Rev.  John  B.  Theobald  Raverdy,  a 
subdeacon  from  the  diocese  of  Reims. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Superior  General  of  the  Christian 
Brothers,  the  most  honored  Brother  Philip,  very  kindly  con- 
descended to  send  five  members  of  his  Society  for  the  founda- 
tion of  a  college  in  Santa  Fe.  These  were  :  Brothers  Hilarian, 
Gondulph,  Geramius  and  Galmier  from  the  house  of  Clermont, 
and  Brother  Agustin  of  New  York.  To  this  number  were 
added  four  young  men  still  at  the  stud}^  of  the  classics,  who 
gave  hopes  of  a  vocation  to  the  priesthood.  Of  these  four  one 
onty,  the  Rev.  Peter  Bernal,  persevered  in  the  ecclesiastical  vo- 
cation. The  colony  brought  together  by  the  Very  Rev.  P. 
Eguillon  for  New  Mexico  consisted  of  fourteen  persons. 

(3)      The  Start  of  the  Missio^iaries  for  Santa  Fe. 

The  start  was  determined  for  the  17th  of  August,  1859, 
from  Havre.  All  except  Brother  Agustin,  who  was  already  in 
New  York,  were  at  the  rendezvous  for  the  stated  day.  The 
boat  which  was  to  take  them  across  the  ocean  was  the  "Ariel," 
an  old  American  steamer  which  was  nearing  the  end  of  its 
services,  as  we  learned  since.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that 
it  reached  New  York  safely  in  fourteen  days. 

From  New  York  the  missionaries  had  the  railroads,  and 
experienced  no  other  inconveniences  but  those  inherent  to 
all  long  travels.  In  St.  Louis  they  were  offered  the  hospitality 
of  the  Christian  Brothers'  college  by  Brother  Patrick,  the  direc- 
tor of  the  institution,    who  became  afterwards  the  assistant  to 


212  More  Priests  axd  Teachers  fob  Sas'ta  Fe. 

the  Superior  General  in  Paris,  and  who  died  in  this  position  in 
1891,  April  27th. 

From  St.  Louis  we  went  by  boat  up  the  Missouri  river  as 
far  as  Kansas  City,  which  was  then  only  a  small  \nllage- 
Then  commenced  the  extensive  plains  spoken  of  before,  which 
had  to  be  crossed  before  reaching  the  first  settlement  of  New 
Mexico.  ( I )  These  plains,  which  are  now  inhabited  almost 
all  along  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  and  other  railroad 
lines  which  traverse  them  in  different  directions,  were,  with 
the  exception  of  two  or  three  places,  frequented  only  by  nomadic 
Indian  tribes,  and  especially  by  the  Comanches,  who  were  good 
warriors  justly  dreaded  by  the  travelers. 

There  w^ere  now  neither  steamboats  nor  railroad  trains  to 
avail  ourselves  of  to  continue  our  journey.  The  only  way  to 
advance  further  in  our  direction  was  to  equip  a  caravan  of  our 
own,  or  to  wait  for  the  opportunity  of  another  one.  Indeed 
we  thought  at  first  that  we  could  go  by  ourselves,  as  Bishop 
Lamy  had  sent  two  men  to  meet  us  with  two  wagons  for  the 
transportation  of  our  baggage,  which,  added  to  three  traveling 
spring  wagons,  that  the  Very  Rev.  Eguillon  had  procured  for 
the  use  of  his  men,  suggested  by  their  number  a  large  propor- 
tionate strength  of  armed  men.  We  were,  besides,  anxious  to 
try  the  life  of  the  plains,  which  had  been  represented  to  us  as 
indeed  very  rough  and  tedious,  but  which,  we  fancied,  we  might 
find  very  poetical  and  agreeable  after  all.  We  had,  however, 
to  moderate  our  impatience.  The  news  came  that  the  Coman- 
ches were  on  the  war  path,  and  that  only  large  caravans  could 
attempt  to  go  through  the  desert  with  any  safety.  Ours  not 
being  so  very  large,  as  we  were  only  seventeen  men,  badly 
provided  with  arms,  and  utterly  unprepared  to  make  use  of 
them  against  human  life,  even  in  case  of  necessity,  we  bravely 
determined  to  keep  aloof  from  the  danger  and  wait  for  some 
reinforcement.  This  w^e  were  told  would  come  before  long,  as 
freighters  for  New  Mexico  expected,  day  by  day,  to  receive 
wherewith  to  load  their  wagons,  and  would  start  at  once  with  us. 


(1)  The  long  description  we  giye  here  is  from  our  own  experience  and  calculated 
to  convey  to  the  minds  of  those  who  may  chance  to  read  It,  an  idea  of  the  difficulties 
people,  who  had  to  cross  the  plains  or  prairies  of  Kansas,  were  liable  to  meet  witii, 
even  in  the  good  season,  during  their  long  journey. 


More  Priests  and  Teachers  for  Santa  Fe.  213 

In  the  meantime  we  pitched  our  tents  on  the  top  of  the  hiU 
on  which  Rev.  Father  Donnellj^  had  already  built  a  little  frame 
house  and  small  chapel  of  the  same  material,  foreseeing  some 
increase  in  population  in  the  near  future.  The  good  father  was 
right.  In  a  couple  of  years  he  saw  new  houses  grouped  around 
his  modest  residence,  and  others  gradually  spreading  in  all  di- 
rections. This  was  the  start  of  the  Kansas  City  of  to-day,  and 
the  spot  on  which  the  Rev.  Father  had  erected  first  a  frame, 
and  next  a  brick  church,  is  the  one  on  which  now  stands  the 
Cathedral  of  the  diocese. 

Coming  to  our  subject  after  this  short  digression,  we  find 
ourselves  in  the  camp  we  had  just  established.  The  tents  were 
good,  and  spacious  enough  to  furnish  a  shelter  for  the  men  of 
the  party.  Besides,  the  weather  was  splendid,  and  those 
who  felt  like  it  could  freely  wander  in  the  surrounding  woods, 
where  hardly  anything  could  be  heard  except  the  chirping  of 
the  many  birds  which  lived  in  them,  and  which  by  shrieking 
and  flying  at  our  approach,  seemed  to  give  us  a  warning  that 
we  trespassed  on  their  right  of  property.  It  must  be  said 
though  that  very  little  heed  was  lent  to  the  notification,  as  we 
killed  as  many  as  we  could  of  these  lively,  innocent  creatures, 
either  for  their  flesh  or  for  the  brilliant  colors  of  their  plumage. 

In  the  morning  after  fixing  the  camp,  we  had  taken  a  cold 
breakfast,  which  consisted  of  canned  provisions  brought  from 
the  forwarding  store  of  Messrs.  Chick,  Browne  &  Co.,  already 
established  at  the  Kansas  landing,  but  it  was  now  time  to  think 
of  something  warm  for  the  evening  repast.  It  was  already  un- 
derstood that  during  the  crossing  of  the  plains,  we  should  only 
have  two  meals  a  da^^,  more  or  less  apart  from  each  other,  ac- 
cording to  the  distances  the  caravan  would  have  to  travel  to 
reach  water.  We  were  notified  also  that  custom  required  we 
should  cook  for  ourselves.  lyittle  by  little  our  situation  was 
made  known  to  us  in  definite  terms  and  the  present  question 
was  of  practical  importance.  Who  amongst  us  would  be  daring 
enough  to  offer  himself  for  the  culinary  administration  ?  Every 
one,  it  is  true,  was  willing  to  contribute  his  share  to  the  neces- 
sary menial  labor,  but  none  could  state  what  were  his  peculiar 
abilities.  The  situation  looked  rather  perplexed  for  a  while, 
but  it  was  soon  made  clear  and  satisfactory  to  all  by  a  few 


214  More  Priests  Axn  Teachers  for  Santa  Fe, 

words  of  the  Vicar  General,  who  assigned  to  each  one  what  he 
should  have  to  do  ever>^  day  during  the  journey.  Two  cooks, 
bad  or  good,  were  designated,  two  purveyors  of  fuel,  two  of 
water,  and  the  other  men  of  the  caravan,  two  by  two,  were  to 
watch  two  hours  by  turns  every  night  over  the  safety-  of  the 
camp  and  of  the  animals.  Such  were  the  orders,  and  thej^  were 
accepted  \vithout  objection. 

There  was  plent}^  of  fuel  around  the  camp  while  we  were 
yet  in  the  woods,  but  as  soon  as  we  found  ourselves  on  the 
plains,  this  article  became  ver>^  scarce,  so  much  so  that  in  some 
places  and  for  long  stretches,  the  only  combustible  we  could 
find  available  was  the  dried  manure  of  the  animals.  We  had  a 
fair  supply  of  provisions  and  even  fresh  meat  for  the  present, 
but  bread  we  had  none  except  hard  biscuits  which  we  did  not 
relish,  and  how  to  bake  light  bread  in  the  open  country  was 
the  question.  A  man  of  experience  in  traveling  who,  a  few 
days  after  our  installment  in  the  camp,  came  ahead  of  his  cara- 
van, which  was  to  join  ours,  taught  us  how  to  bake  bread,  but 
meanwhile  we  had  to  eat  it  as  made  by  our  Reverend  cooks 
(both  were  priests)  and  it  must  be  said  that  it  had  neither  the 
appearance  nor  the  savor  of  any  common  homemade  bread. 
It  was  simply  dough,  half  dried,  half  burned  on  the  embers. 
Nothing  however  is  easier,  as  we  were  shown,  than  to  make 
good  bread,  even  in  the  camp  and  in  a  short  time,  by  using  the 
portable  oven,  or  a  saucepan  in  which  loaves  are  baked  one 
after  the  other.  We  had  the  oven,  but  did  not  know  what  use 
to  make  of  it.  More  than  once  we  gratefully  remembered  the 
service  we  had  received  from  the  new  comer.  Moreover,  as 
we  had  to  travel  with  him,  we  could  easilj"  complete  our  camp- 
ing culinary  instruction  by  looking  at  the  way  he  had  his  meals 
prepared.  From  him  and  his  men  we  learned  also  how  to 
make  the  "tortillas,"  little  loaf,  a  kind  of  thin  unleavened 
bread,  which  can  be  baked  on  an  iron  plate  or  on  a  flat  stone  in 
a  very  short  time.  This  kind  of  bread  is  yet  in  use,  not  only 
in  the  camp,  but  even  in  many  families  of  the  countr>\ 

(J)     The  Caravan  Moves  on  From  Kansas  City. 

As  soon  as  the  caravan  was  deemed  strong  enough,  the 
start  was  decided  upon  for  a  place  called  the  White  House,  about 


More  Priests  and  Teachers  for  Santa  Fe.  215 

six  miles  from  our  camp.  It  did  not  take  long  to  pack  up  the 
baggage,  to  put  the  mules  to  the  wagons,  and  to  make  a  move. 
There  commenced  our  troubles  ;  the  mules  had  enjoyed  a  good 
rest,  and  did  not  like  to  change  their  mode  of  living.  On  the 
other  hand,  besides  the  two  Mexicans  who  had  been  sent  by- 
Bishop  Lam}',  we  had  as  drivers  only  the  young  students,  who 
knew  very  little,  if  anything,  of  that  trade.  The  march  was 
interrupted  at  ever^^  moment,  so  we  had  to  work  hard  the  good 
half  of  the  day  to  reach  the  White  House.  With  the  night  came 
a  heavy  rain,  which  obliged  us  to  sleep  in  the  carriages  and 
wagons,  as  it  was  impossible  to  fix  the  tents. 

The  next  day  was  bright  and  clear,  but  the  ground  was 
wet  and  the  wind  sharp  enough  to  make  us  feel  that  we  were 
too  lightly  clad  for  the  season.  Things  looked  rather  un- 
pleasant, and  we  thought  of  going  back  to  Kansas  City  for 
heavy  clothing  when,  to  our  agreeable  surprise,  we  saw  that 
the  Vicar  General  had  provided  in  due  time  for  this  emergency. 
After  an  inspection  of  the  cases  packed  in  the  w^agons,  he  had 
two  of  them  taken  out  and  opened.  One  of  the  boxes  contained 
hea\^  common  overcoats  for  all  the  men  of  the  party,  and  the 
other  was  filled  up  with  rough  monumental  boots.  Neither 
coats  nor  boots  had  been  made  to  order,  nor  selected  to  suit  any 
particular  size,  but  all  these  articles  had  the  advantage  of  not 
being  too  small  for  any  one  of  us.  When  we  had  donned  our 
new  dress,  we  thought  we  might  well  be  taken  for  good  Yankee 
farmers.  This,  for  a  while,  furnished  matter  for  laughing,  but 
the  important  thing  was  that  we  were  all  equipped  either  to  walk 
in  the  mud  or  to  stand  the  cold  weather,  as  might  be  our  case. 

After  the  trial  we  had  made  of  our  animals,  it  was  almost 
evident  that  we  could  not  cross  the  plains  without  looking  for 
some  others.  For  that  purpose  the  Ver>'  Rev.  Vicar  General 
went  back  to  the  settlement  and  bought  four  good  mules.  We 
had  onl}^  a  few  days  more  to  remain  in  the  same  camp.  Not 
all  the  men  we  expected  were  yet  on  the  spot,  but  knowing 
that  there  was  no  danger  for  some  distance  ahead,  we  started 
by  ourselves  in  order  to  accustom  our  animals  to  the  work,  and 
have  them  ready  to  keep  up  with  the  caravan  when  it  should 
be  completed.  There  we  entered  the  desert  proper.  After  a 
few  hours'   march,    w^hich    this  time  was  steady    and   rather 


216  More  Priests  and  Teachers  for  Saxta  Fe, 

fast,  we  lost  sight  of  the  trees  of  the  Missouri  river,  and  there 
was  nothing  all  around  us,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  but 
the  green  prairie  undulated  by  the  accidents  of  the  ground,  and 
representing  well  enough  a  sea  becoming  swollen  by  a  rising 

wind. 

For  two  days  we  went  on  without  difficulty,  but  early  in 
the  morning  of  the  third  day  we  found  out  that  our  new  mules 
were  missing.  Should  we  stop  and  send  somebody  after  them  ? 
Nothing  indicated  to  us  the  direction  they  had  taken.  On  the 
grass,  no  tracks  could  be  followed,  and  on  the  road  there  was 
no  possible  way  to  distinguish  the  footprints  of  our  mules  from 
those  of  many  others  which  had  traveled  in  both  directions. 
Besides,  if  these  animals  had  turned  back  to  the  place  they  had 
come  from,  we  might  hope  they  would  be  brought  to  us  b}^  the 
caravans  which  were  coming  behind.  And  so  it  happened,  but 
only  some  time  after  our  arrival  in  Santa  Fe.  Still,  we  intended 
to  proceed  on  our  way,  and  in  order  to  do  so,  we  had  to  hitch 
up  some  saddle  horses  we  kept  for  reconnoitering  the  country 
in  places  haunted  by  the  Indians.  In  a  few  days  we  were 
overtaken  by  the  caravan  of  Mr.  Moore,  a  rich  merchant  of 
New  Mexico,  and  with  this  reinforcement  we  had  twenty 
wagons  together  and  eighty  men,  between  drivers  and  mounted 
men,  for  protection.  As  a  matter  of  course,  the  strongest  cara- 
van took  the  lead  and  we  followed  it. 

With  loaded  wagons  it  was  necessary  to  go  slowly,  travel- 
ing only  twenty  or  twenty-five  miles  a  day  on  an  average. 
During  the  crossing  of  the  plains,  all  the  days  were  much  alike. 
To  take  breakfast  before  starting  in  the  morning,  and  supper 
when  we  reached  the  water  where  w^e  w^ere  to  stop  for  the  night, 
was  the  rule.  The  routine  was  only  broken  by  the  celebration 
of  the  mass  early  every  Sunday,  the  priest  officiating  in  an 
open  tent  and  the  men  of  the  caravan  assisting  from  the  out- 
side. Mention  must  be  made  here  of  the  herds  of  buffaloes, 
which  we  met  in  some  places.  Seen  from  a  distance,  these 
animals,  more  or  less  sparsely  scattered  on  the  prairie,  had  the 
appearance  of  an  irregular  plantation  of  bushy,  dark  trees,  but 
as  we  approached  we  could  see  them,  first  gathering  together, 
and  next  starting  at  full  speed  on  a  line,  one  after  the  other, 
until  we  lost  sight  of  them.     The  mounted  men  of  the  caravan 


XXXVI.     Casa  Grande. 


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Buffalo  Chasixg.  217 

killed  one  of  them  occasioiialh^  and  brought  fresh  meat  to  the 
camp.  The  buffalo,  which  has  been  almost  totally-  exterminated, 
as  we  have  seen  before,  for  the  sake  of  its  fleec}'-  skin,  afforded 
former^  a  great  source  of  subsistence  to  the  inhabitants  of  New 
Mexico,  who  ate  its  flesh  and  made  an  article  of  commerce  of 
its  hide,  tanned  with  the  hair. 

(4)     Buffalo  Chasing,     (i) 

The  buffalo  chase  was  practiced  in  the  autumn,  or  early  in 
the  spring.  For  this  campaign  it  was  necessary  to  have  an  ex- 
perienced hunter  with  a  fast  horse,  and  men  in  proportion  to 
the  wagons  which  it  was  intended  to  load  with  meat.  Upon 
arriving  at  the  places  where  the  buffaloes  were  wont  to  graze,  the 
first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  look  for  water,  where  the  camp 
could  be  established.  In  the  meantime  the  hunter,  arfaed  with 
a  rifle  and  a  revolver,  or  simply  with  a  spear,  if  he  belonged  to 
the  old  school,  and  mounted  on  his  steed,  started  in  search  of 
the  herd.  On  discovering  it,  he  would  go  slowly  in  its  direc- 
tion until  he  saw  it  forming  in  line  for  flight.  Then  he  com- 
menced to  run  in  a  direction  parallel  to  that  followed  by  his 
game  until  he  reached  the  head  of  the  line.  He  then  moderated 
the  speed  of  his  horse  without  stopping  entirely',  and  inspected 
the  animals  as  they  passed  near  bj-,  and  fired  at  those  which 
seemed  to  be  the  best,  until  he  had  secured  eight  or  ten.  This 
was  the  work  of  one  daj^  for  the  man  and  his  horse.  When  the 
hunter  returned  to  the  camp,  a  sufficient  number  of  men  would 
start  with  wagons  and  go  where  the  buffaloes  had  just  been 
killed,  to  skin  them  and  bring  the  quarters  of  meat  to  the  '  'real, ' ' 
or  camping  place.  There  the  flesh  was  separated  from  the  bones 
and  cut  in  thin  slices,  which,  after  having  been  suitably  salted, 
were  placed  on  ropes,  stretched  between  the  wagons,  where 
they  remained  until  they  were  drj'  enough  to  be  packed  and 
loaded. 

The  work  of  slicing  and  salting  the  meat  required  one  da}' 
at  least.  Meanwhile  the  hunter  took  care  of  and  prepared  his 
horse  for  another  race  against  the  same  herd  or  any  other  he 
might  first  encounter,  and  so  on  until  he  had  procured  meat 

(1)  We  insert  some  details  on  tlie  cliasing  of  the  buflfalo,  not  as  related  to  the 
subject  of  these  notes,  but  to  preserve  the  memory  of  a  thing  of  the  past  In  Xew 
Mexico . 

14* 


218  Buffalo  Chasixg. 

enough  to  load  the  wagons,  each  one  of  which  held  the  dried  meat 
of  twenty  cows.  Sometimes  the  buffaloes  would  go  to  another 
place,  either  to  shun  their  greedy  pursuers  or  to  look  for  better 
pasturage,  before  the  desired  provision  was  completed.  In  this 
case  the  camp  had  to  be  moved,  and  this  entailed  a  loss  of  time 
and  additional  work  on  the  men  of  the  hunting  party.  When 
the  buffalo  hunters  returned  to  their  homes,  the  meat  they  had 
brought  was  sold  at  a  good  price  and  in  a  ver^^  short  time.  It 
was  preferred  b}'  many  to  fresh  meat,  as  it  could  be  kept  as  long 
as  desirable,  provided  it  was  not  exposed  to  moisture.  It  was 
especially  useful  on  long  journeys  on  which,  many  times,  it 
was  impossible  to  find  any  supply  of  provisions. 

The  buffalo  is  gone  now,  almost  entirety.  It  is  ^  true 
that  it  was  bound  to  disappear  sooner  or  later,  as  it  is 
known  this  animal  could  not  be  profitably  domesticated  nor 
freety  live  in  the  vicinit}'  of  an3'  settlements  ;  still,  had  it  not 
been  exterminated  bj'  cupidity'  for  the  money  which  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  wanderers  sought  to  make  at  once  by  its  fur,  it  could 
have  found  room  enough  in  this  western  country  to  live  and 
propagate  for  long  3'ears  to  come.  The  buffalo,  at  the  present 
time,  is  to  be  seen  only,  and  very  different  too  from  what  it  was 
when  feeding  on  the  plains,  in  Lincoln  Park,  Chicago,  and  in 
some  other  similar  places. 

(a)     The  End  of  the  Journey. 

At  last  we  reached  the  first  settlements  of  New^  IMexico, 
which  commenced  for  us  at  La  Junta,  where  now  stands  the 
little  town  of  Watrous.  We  had  to  travel  only  four  days  more 
to  arrive  at  the  end  of  our  journey.  From  there  we  had  the 
pleasure  of  meeting  a  priest  of  the  neighborhood  who  came  to 
welcome  us  and  to  offer  us  fresh  teams  to  make  it  easier  for  us 
to  reach  Santa  Fe.  Leaving  La  Junta  we  made  for  Las  Vegas, 
only  about  eighteen  miles  distant,  and  got  there  just  in  time  to 
take  dinner  with  Father  Pinard,  the  parish  priest  of  the  town. 
The  Rev.  gentleman  was  an  ex-officer  of  the  French  armj- , 
who,  after  his  ordination  to  the  priesthood,  had  come  to  New 
Mexico  to  devote  himself  to  the  work  of  the  missions.  He 
offered  to  keep  us  for  the  night,  but  as  we  considered  his  house 
too  small  to  accommodate  the  whole  part}^,  we  divided,  one  half 


More  Priests  and  Teachers  for  Santa  Fe.  219 

remaining  with  him,  and  the  other  following  the  Rev.  J.  B. 
Guerin  to  San  Miguel  del  Vado,  his  parish.  Father  Guerin, 
like  Father  Pinard.  was  a  Frenchman,  and  he  did  all  he  could 
to  make  it  pleasatit  for  us  in  his  house.  The  next  day,  when 
we  were  joined  by  those  of  the  party  we  had  left  in  Las  Vegas, 
we  moved  to  Pajarito,  the  last  camping  night  we  were  to  enjoy 
before  reaching  Santa  Fe. 

On  the  27th  of  October,  in  the  afternoon,  seventy-one  daj'S 
since  we  had  sailed  from  Havre,  we  made  our  modest  entry 
into  the  old  capital  of  New  Mexico.  The  good  Bishop,  Right 
Rev.  Lamy,  who  had  been  notified  of  our  coming,  was  waiting 
for  us.  His  Lordship  received  us  with  an  affable  simplicit}', 
which  surprised  us  at  first,  but  which,  as  we  saw  later,  was  an 
habitual  qualit>^  of  the  missionary'  Prelate.  A  frugal  but  sub- 
stantial supper  was  soon  served  for  us.  Sitting  at  the  table, 
and  feeling  like  at  home,  we  commenced  to  speak  like  French- 
men, and  of  course,  exclusive^  in  French,  as  we  were  all  but 
one  of  this  nationalitA'.  "Gentlemen,"  said  the  Bishop  sternly, 
"you  do  not  know,  it  seems,  that  two  languages  only  are  of 
necessit^^  here,  the  Spanish,  which  is  spoken  general^  by  the 
people  of  this  Territor}^  and  the  English,  which  is  the  language 
of  the  Government.  ]Make  5-our  choice  between  the  two,  for 
the  present,  but  leave  your  French  parley  for  the  countr}^  5'ou 
have  come  from."  Among  the  Brothers  there  was  one  who 
spoke  nothing  but  English,  which  was  his  mother  tongue,  and 
another  who  mastered  some  Spanish,  but  neither  the  one  nor 
the  other  tried  to  keep  up  the  conversation,  and  so  a  perfect 
silence  ensued.  We  then  proceeded  eating  with  as  little  noise 
as  possible,  and  with  a  kind  of  lost  appetite.  This  uneasy  sit- 
uation however  did  not  last  long.  The  Bishop  himself  put 
an  end  to  it,  by  bursting  into  laughter,  and  by  reopening  the 
conversation  in  French.  Still,  he  explained  to  us  the  necessity 
of  applying  ourselves,  at  once,  to  the  study  of  the  languages. 
Supper  over,  we  would  have  wished  to  visit  the  town,  but  it 
was  already  late,  and  we  had  to  make  some  arrangements  for 
the  night.  A  large  room  was  assigned  to  us  as  a  common 
dormitory  for  the  present.  There  were  matresses  which  we 
had  only  to  spread  on  the  floor  and  cover  them  with  our  travel- 
ing blankets,  to  be  provided  with  missionaries'  beds. 


220  More  PRiESts  axd  Teachers  for  SaXta  F"e. 

The  next  da}-,   after  breakfast,  we  hurried  for  a  walk  in 
the  streets  of  Santa  Fe.     It  was  then  called,  as  to-day,    "la 
villa, ' '  the  cit}^,  though  the  number  of  its  inhabitants  was  not 
much  over  four  thousand.     Two  other  towns  in  the  Territory, 
as  we  have  seen  before,  had  also  the  honor  of  being  called  cities 
or  villas.     These  were  :     Albuquerque,  of  less  importance  than 
Santa  Fe,    and  Santa  Cruz,  which   was  only  a  small  village. 
The  title  of  city  was  giyen  by  the  Government  to  the  first  and 
most  important  Spanish   settlements  in  New  Mexico,   to  put 
them,  by  the  ver>'  name,  above  the  level  of  the  Indian  pueblos. 
The  houses  of  Santa  Fe  had  generally  a  poor  and  strange 
appearance,    built   as  they  were  with   "adobe"    or   sun   dried 
bricks.     They  were  all  low,  with  flat  roofs,  and  most  of  them 
without  an}^  outside  plastering,  which  gave  them,  when  seen 
from  a  distance,  the  semblance  of  a  stretch  of  a  barren  land, 
washed  out  and  cut  bj'  some  mountain   flood.     The  churches, 
four  in   number,    viz.  :     San  Francisco  (the   Cathedral),    San 
Miguel,  Our  L,ady  of  Guadalupe  and  Our  Lady  of  the  Rosary, 
called  also  Nuestra  Senora  la  Conquistadora,  Our  Lad^^  of  the 
Victor^^,  were  built  with  the  same  material  as  the  houses,  and 
could  be  distinguished  from  these  only  by  their  larger  structure 
and    their  rudimentary   towers.     As  a  matter  of  course,  like 
man}'  strangers  who  would  find  and  see  everywhere  what  the^' 
had  seen  in  their  own  country',  we  found  ample  matter  for  criti- 
cism  about  the  houses  and  churches  of  the  capital.     In  this 
case,  it  was  with  us  as  it  is  with  man 5^  others  who  judge  of 
what  they  see,  before  looking  for  the  reason  of  its  being  so  and 
not  otherwise.     We  have  seen  since  that  we  had  been  wrong 
in  our  appreciation  of  the  adobe  buildings.     A  great  number  of 
them  have  disappeared  since  we  saw  them  for  the  first  time, 
and  have  been  replaced  by  others,  more  in  keeping  with  the 
ideas  and  tastes  of  people  who  have  come  from  other  countries, 
but  not  exactly  as  advantageous  in  every  respect.     The  adobe 
houses  are  very  inexpensive,  and  can  be  put  up  in  a  few  weeks  ; 
they  are  durable  in  dr>'  climates,  warm  in  the  winter  and  cool 
in  the  summer,  not  only  on   account  of  the  thickness  of  their 
walls,  but  by  reason  of  the  material  they  are  made  with,  which, 
owing  to  its  lack  of  compactness,  is  but  little  subject  to  the 
influence  of  the  external  temperature.     As  regards  durability 


More  Priests  and  Teachers  for  Saxta  Fe.  221 

the  adobe  will  last  for  centuries  ;  we  have  the  proof  of  this 
in  a  number  of  the  old  mission  Churches  in  New  Mexico  and 
in  Santa  Fe,  where  are  to  be  seen  ^^et,  in  the  vicinity  of  St. 
Michael's  College,  houses  which  existed  in  1694,  at  the  time  of 
Vargas'  expedition,  and  which  are  still  inhabited  in  the  present 
year,  1895. 

The  Santa  Fe  people  seemed  to  be  polite  and  affable.  The 
costume  of  the  men  varied  in  form  and  colors,  the  rich  being 
noticeable  only  by  the  qualit}'  and  the  better  assortment  of  their 
apparel.  The  "zarape,"  or  colored  blanket,  was  considered  as 
indispensable  among  the  working  class  of  the  people,  as  we  were 
told,  either  as  a  protection  against  the  cold  weather,  or  at  all 
times  to  make  a  decent  appearance  in  the  churches  or  in  society. 
The  women  were  generally  dressed  in  black,  and  did  not  go  out 
of  their  houses  without  the  "rebozo,"  or  veil  in  the  shape  of  a 
wide  scarf,  which  covered  the  head  and  shoulders  and  gave 
them  a  look  of  modest  dignity.  It  reminded  us  of  the  costumes 
which  Christian  painters  were  wont  to  give  to  the  women  of 
old  in  their  pictures. 

The  citizens  of  the  villa  were  devout  people,  as  we  could 
judge  from  the  first  Sunda}'  we  spent  in  the  cit3',  by  the  large 
congregation  at  the  services  in  the  Cathedral  and  by  the  re- 
spectful manner  they  listened  to  the  instructions  that  were  given 
them.  It  seemed  they  intended  to  show  b^^  their  behavior  that 
they  understood  the  meaning  of  the  name  of  their  city,  and 
tried  to  keep  the  Santa  Fe,  or  the  Holy  Faith,  always  alive  in 
their  hearts.  To  do  this  was  only  their  duty,  because  the  holy 
faith  was  the  heritage  the^^  had  received  from  their  ancestors, 
the  first  Spanish  conquerors,  and  this  faith  had  been  kept  sacred 
among  them  by  an  almost  uninterrupted  succession  of  priests, 
at  least,  from  the  year  1605,  the  date  of  the  foundation  of  the 
city  of  Santa  Fe. 

After  a  couple  of  days,  the  Brothers  were  put  in  possession 
of  a  house,  in  which  they  opened  classes  as  soon  as  circum- 
stances allowed.  Those  of  the  party  who  had  come  for  mis- 
sionarj-  work  remained  in  the  parish  residence,  having  to  study 
the  languages  of  the  countr^^  as  far  as  they  were  able  to  do  so. 
The  Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe  had  to  take  charge  of  the  young 
men  who  had  come  from  France  before  completing  their  classi- 


222  Moke  Priest's  and  Teachers  eor  Santa  Fe; 

cal  studies,  and  to  visit,  once  a  week,  the  chapels  of  the  Pecos, 
Galisteo  and  Tesuque  pueblos. 

The  Brothers,  having  made  the  necessary-  arrangements  in 
their  house,  opened  their  schools  on  the  1 5th  of  November  with 
twenty  boarders  and  fifty  day  scholars.  Their  building,  which 
stood  on  a  good  sized  plot  of  ground,  adjoined  the  old  San 
Miguel  chapel,  which  gave  its  name  to  the  new  college.  It 
was  one  of  the  largest  houses  of  Santa  Fe,  but  in  a  very  short 
time  it  proved  unequal  to  the  purpose.  It  had  to  be  altered 
and  enlarged,  year  after  year,  until  Brother  Botulph  was  made 
president  of  the  college  and  substituted  for  the  old  house  a 
large  and  substantial  three-stor>'  building,  sufficient  to  accom- 
modate the  pupils  who  might  be  expected  from  the  Territory 
for  years  to  come.  St.  jMichael's,  or  the  San  Miguel  College, 
like  all  the  institutions  which  have  to  be  estabHshed  in  new 
countries,  had  to  go  through  trials  of  many  kinds  for  a  number 
of  years,  but  owing  to  the  perseverance  and  devotedness  of  the 
Brothers,  it  has  accomplished  a  great  amount  of  good  all  the 
while,  and  to-day  it  must  be  considered  an  institution  of  learn-, 
ing  inferior  to  none  other  of  the  kind  in  the  country. 

Rev.  Francis  X.  Jouvenceau  was  sent,  a  few  days  after  his 
arrival  from  France,  to  San  Miguel,  where,  as  assistant  priest, 
he  could  have  an  opportunity  to  learn  the  Spanish  language  ; 
but  ver^'  soon  necessity  obliged  his  Bishop  to  send  him  to  Sa- 
pello  to  found  a  parish.  The  limits  given  to  the.  new  parish 
comprised  the  farming  populations  of  Sapello,  Monton  de  Ala- 
mos, Loma  Parda,  Golondrinas,  Fort  Union,  Manuelitas,  Teco- 
loteilos.  La  Junta  and  Rincon  de  Tecolote,  all  taken  from  L,as 
Vegas  parish.  These  towns  gave  an  aggregate  number  of  pop- 
ulation sufficient  for  a  good  parish,  but  there  was  no  church 
except  at  Golondrinas  and  Monton  de  Alamos,  where  chapels 
existed.  The  priest  selected  vSapello  for  his  residence  as  a  cen- 
tral point,  and  commenced  to  ask  contributions  from  the  faith- 
ful for  the  building  of  a  church.  His  call  was  fairly  responded 
to,  and  in  less  than  two  years,  a  large  church  and  the  priest's 
residence  reached  their  completion  under  the  direction  and 
through  the  exertions  of  the  ^-oung  missionary.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Sapello  parish  are  still  noted  for  their  generosity 
towards  what  concerns  religious  worship,  and  their  church  is 


Moke  Pkiests  and  Teachers  for  Santa  Fe.  223 

one  of  the  best  supplied  with  good  vestments.  Father  Jouven- 
ceau  administered  the  parish  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  good 
Catholics  until  1867,  when  he  volunteered,  with  the  consent  of 
his  Bishop,  for  Arizona,  where  the  priests  were  ver\^  scarce. 

There  were  in  1859,  eighteen  parishes  or  heads  of  missions 
in  the  diocese  of  Santa  Fe.  These  were  :  St.  Francis  Cathe- 
dral, attended  by  the  Bishop  and  his  vicars,  Very  Rev.  Mache- 
beuf  and  Ver>^  Rev.  Eguillon  ;  Las  Vegas,  parish  priest,  Rev. 
Pinard  ;  San  Miguel,  parish  priest.  Rev.  Guerin  ;  Antonchico, 
parish  priest,  Rev.  Fayet ;  Mora,  parish  priest,  Rev.  Taladrid  ; 
Taos,  parish  priest.  Rev.  Ussel ;  Picuries  Indian  pueblo,  parish 
priest,  Rev.  Tafoya ;  Abiquiu,  parish  priest,  Rev.  Salazar ; 
San  Juan,  Indian  pueblo,  parish  priest.  Rev.  Ortiz  ;  Santa  Cruz, 
parish  priest.  Rev.  Trujillo ;  San  Ildefonso,  Indian  pueblo, 
parish  priest.  Rev.  Medina  ;  Tome,  parish  priest,  Rev.  Ral- 
liere  ;  Bernalillo,  parish  priest.  Rev.  Hayes ;  Albuquerque, 
parish  priest.  Rev.  Coudert  ;  Belen,  parish  priest.  Rev.  Paulet : 
Socorro,  parish  priest.  Rev.  Truchard  ;  L,as  Cruces,  parish 
priest.  Rev.  Donato  ;  Santo  Domingo  Indian  pueblo,  parish 
priest,  Rev.  Chavez. 

Ever}''  one  of  these  parishes  had  a  certain  number  of 
chapels,  more  or  less  distant  from  the  principal  church.  In 
most  of  them,  the  priest  could  visit  the  chapels  without  being 
obliged  to  camp  out  for  the  night,  but  in  some  instances  he  had 
to  travel  three  or  four  days,  between  one  settlement  and  an- 
other, and,  in  this  case  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  take 
blankets  and  "bastimento, "  provisions  of  food,  before  leaving 
his  residence,  according  to  the  number  of  days  he  contemplated 
being  out  of  his  habitation.  If  he  could  afford  to  have  a  vehi- 
cle, which  was  a  costly  luxurs'  in  those  already  remote  times, 
he  could  easity'  manage  to  make  it  comfortable  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, but,  when  he  was  obliged  to  travel  on  horseback  he  had 
to  reduce  the  bulk  and  weight  of  his  baggage  as  much  as  pos- 
sible. In  an3^  case,  some  ground  coffee,  a  tin  cup,  bread  and 
meat,  fresh  or  dry,  were  articles  not  to  be  forgotten.  The  cup 
could  be  used  to  make  the  coffee  and  to  drink  it.  As  regard 
the  cooking  of  meat,  this  was  done  with  the  help  of  a  stick 
planted  in  the  ground  and  holding  the  piece  of  meat  to  be 
roasted  at  a  proper  distance  from  the  fire. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Territories  of  Arizona  and  of  Colorado  Annexed 
TO  THE  Diocese  of  Santa  Fe. 

(i)     Arizona. 

In  1859  the  Territory  of  Arizona,  which  had  become  part 
of  the  United  States  since  1854  by  the  Gadsen  purchase,  was 
annexed,  bj'  decree  of  the  Holy  See,  to  the  diocese  of  Santa 
Fe.  In  order  to  ascertain  what  was  the  condition  of  Arizona 
and  to  find  out,  whether  or  not  some  missions  could  be  estab- 
lished there  at  once,  the  Bishop  sent  the  Very  Rev.  Machebeuf 
to  visit  that  countr^^  His  Lordship  could  not  have  made  a 
better  choice  for  the  purpose.  The  Very  Rev.  Vicar  General 
was  a  zealous  and  energetic  missionary,  never  to  be  deterred  by 
any  difficulty  when  he  thought  he  could  do  something  for  the 
glory  of  God  and  the  good  of  souls.  The  distance  from  Santa 
Fe  to  Tucson  was  600  miles,  with  danger  from  the  Apache  In- 
dians on  one-half  of  the  road  to  be  traveled. 

Tucson,  the  most  important  town  of  Arizona  at  that  time, 
numbered  about  six  hundred  inhabitants,  mostly  Mexicans. 
The  origin  of  the  population  must  be  assigned  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  presidio,  militar>^  post,  which,  according  to  Fran- 
cisco Velasco  (i)  took  place  in  1781.  It  is  true  that  Father 
Juan  Domingo  Arricivita  (2)  states  that  the  presidio  del  Tuc- 
son existed  in  1768,  when  the  Franciscan  Fathers  took  charge 


(1)  Noticias  Estadisticas  de  la  Provincia  de  Souora. 

(2)  Cronica  Serafica  del  colegio  de  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro. 


Arizona  Annexed  to  Santa  Fe.  225 

of  tlie  missions  of  Sonora,  and  this  is  the  reason  why  some  peo- 
ple think  that  the  town  of  Tucson  is  so  very  ancient.  That 
may  be,  but  certain  it  is  that  it  had  no  existence  in  1762,  as 
we  collect  from  what  is  said,  at  this  date,  by  the  author  of  the 
Rudo  Ensa3^o  ( i ) ,  that  '  'there  existed  at  Tucson  a  number  of 
Indians,  considerable  enough  to  call  for  the  presence  of  a 
priest,  but  that  the  nearest  was  the  one  at  San  Xavier  del  Bac, 
who  had  already  more  than  he  could  do  to  take  care  of  his  own 
Catholic  Indians."  Frora  these  words  we  conclude  that  in  1762 
there  were  no  other  people  living  at  Tucson  but  Indians,  and 
believe  for  w^ant  of  any  proof  to  the  contrary'  that  the  popula- 
tion of  Tucson  was  yet  the  same  in  1768.  The  Indians  spoken 
of  lived  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  called  "El  Cerro  del  Tucson,"  and 
these  were  gathered  in  1772  by  Fr.  Francisco  Garcez  in  a  pueblo 
in  adobe  houses,  with  a  church,  a  mission  house  and  a  protec- 
tion wall  against  the  attacks  of  the  Apaches.  This  pueblo, 
which  was  designated  by  the  name  of  "Pueblito  del  Tucson," 
stood  about  half  a  mile  west  of  the  present  town  of  Tucson,  as 
can  be  seen  by  what  remains  of  its  ruins.  It  was  first  attended 
hy  the  Franciscans  from  San  Xavier,  but  when  it  had  a  church 
■and  priest's  residence,  it  was  benefited  by  the  permanent  presence 
of  one  or  more  missionaries.  Its  church  was  dedicated  to  Our 
Lord  of  Esquipula,  w^hose  picture,  according  to  the  living  tradi- 
tion among  the  residents  of  Tucson,  was  taken  to  Imuris,  with 
■several  church  objects,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Franciscan 
Fathers,  December  20th,  1827. 

After  stating  what  Father  Garcez  did  for  the  pueblo  of 
Tucson,  Arricivita  says  again  :  "Y  hoy  es  Presidio  de  los  Es- 
pafioles,"  (and  to-day  it  is  Presidio  of  the  Spaniards,)  To-day 
means  1792,  the  date  at  which  the  historian  of  the  Franciscans 
wrote  his  book.  But  refraining  from  giving  as  exact  date  of 
its  establishment,  the  Presidio  de  los  Espanoles  existed  certainly, 
not  at  the  pueblito  of  the  Indians,  but  at  the  place  called  now 
the  city  of  Tucson.  The  presidio  had  its  own  church,  with 
two  patron  saints,  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  for  the  soldiers,  and 
St.  Augustine  for  the  people  who,  Httle  by  little  had  agglom- 
merated  around  the  post. 


(1)    Rudo  Ensayo  o  descripcion  geografica  de  la  provincia  de  Sonora,  by  one  of 

the  Jesuit  missiouaries. 

la 


226  Arizona  Annexed  to  Santa  Fe. 

The  centers  of  population  of  Arizona,  besides  Tucson, 
were  San  Xa\'ier  del  Bac,  an  old  Papago  mission  with  about 
two  hundred  Indians ;  Tubac,  with  a  military  post  and  some 
thirty  Mexican  famiHes,  and  Gila  Cit}'-,  now  Yuma,  which  had 
only  a  small  population.  The  missionary  found  the  inhabitants 
almost  all  Catholics,  and  well  disposed  to  avail  themselves  of 
his  presence  to  receive  the  sacraments  of  the  Church,  a  benefit 
they  had  been  deprived  of  for  a  long  time.  Indeed,  since  the 
expulsion  of  the  Franciscan  Fathers  (1827),  they  had  onlj^  re- 
ceived here  and  there  some  visits  from  the  priests  of  Magdalena 
(Sonora),  when  the}^  could  find  or  were  furnished  a  good  escort 
to  protect  them  against  the  Indians. 

The  Very  Rev.  Machebeuf  had  enough  to  occupy  him  for 
a  period  of  time,  in  performing  marriages,  baptizing  and  hear- 
ing confessions  at  Tucson,  San  Xavier  and  Tubac.  Tucson,  as 
the  most  important  town  of  the  Territory,  was  selected  by  the 
missionary-  as  the  place  best  suited  for  the  center  of  his  labors. 
He  had  work  here  for  the  da^^  and  part  of  the  night  for  several 
weeks.  The  old  church,  which  had  been  built  when  Tucson 
was  made  a  "Presidio,"  militar}-  post,  was  in  such  a  condition 
that  it  could  be  neither  used  nor  repaired.  It  was  however 
necessar^^  to  have  a  church,  no  matter  how  poor  it  might  be, 
for  the  present,  provided  it  could  hold  the  Catholic  population 
of  the  locality.  Father  Machebeuf,  always  equal  to  the  cir- 
cumstances, contrived  to  have  it  in  a  very  short  time.  A  little 
house,  composed  of  two  small  rooms,  was  given  to  him  for  the 
purpose  by  Don  Francisco  Solano  Leon,  one  of  the  prominent 
citizens  of  the  town.  The  building  was  really  too  limited  in 
proportions,  but  at  the  request  of  the  Vicar  General,  it  was  en- 
larged by  the  voluntar\'  work  of  the  faithful  by  adding  a  good 
sized,  rough  wooden  porch  to  one  of  the  rooms.  This,  poor  as 
it  was,  was  the  first  church  used  in  Tucson  since  the  Territory 
of  Arizona  had  been  attached  to  the  diocese  of  Santa  Fe.  Many 
people  remember  yet  the  instructions  they  received  from  the 
"Seiior  Vicario"  in  this  provisional  church  ;  they  remember  in 
particular,  how  forcibly  he  spoke  one  morning  at  mass,  against 
murder,  \vithout  knowing  that  the  night  before,  an  American 
had  killed  a  man  in  self  defense,  and  how  seriously  the  priest 
was  called  to  ansAver  for  his  words.     After  some  explanations, 


Arizona  Annexed  to  Santa  Fe,  227 

tlie  offended  man  was  satisfied  that  the  preacher  knew  nothing  of 
what  had  happened  during  the  night,  and  had  spoken  in  a  gen- 
eral way  against  those  who  take  unjustly  the  life  of  their  fellow 
men.  Nevertheless,  from  this  day,  the  priest  was  not  allowed 
by  the  Catholics  of  Tucson  to  travel  alone,  and  even  in  town, 
when  he  had  to  hear  confessions  at  night,  there  were,  without  his 
being  aware  of  it,  some  men  standing  around  the  church  until  he 
would  come  out,  when  they  accompanied  him  to  his  residence. 

The  San  Xavier  mission  had  a  great  attraction  for  the 
Very  Rev.  Machebeuf,  not  only  because  he  had  there  a  good 
church,  but  on  account  of  the  good  dispositions  he  found  in  the 
Indians  of  the  pueblo.  He  had  only  to  send  somebody  to  ring 
the  bells  to  have  all  the  people  in  the  church  for  mass.  These 
Indians  had  not  forgotten  the  prayers  they  had  been  taught  by 
the  Franciscan  Fathers,  and  they  were  ready  to  say  them 
rather  in  Spanish  than  in  their  own  language.  Some  of  them 
could  sing  at  mass  in  a  very  tolerable  manner,  which  is  prac- 
ticed yet  by  some  Mexicans  who  lived  in  the  pueblo  and  learned 
it  from  the  Indians.  Wlfen  the  Vicar  General  made  his  first 
visit  to  San  Xavier,  he  was  agreeably  surprised  when  the  gov- 
ernor or  chief  of  the  tribes,  Jose,  told  him  that  he  had  kept  in 
his  house,  since  the  expulsion  of  the  Franciscan  Fathers,  the 
sacred  vessels,  for  fear  that  they  might  be  stolen  if  they  had  been 
left  in  the  church.  The  objects  saved  were  :  four  silver  chal- 
ices, a  gold  plated  silver  monstrance,  two  gold  cruets  with  a 
silver  plate,  two  small  silver  candlesticks,  two  silver  censers 
and  a  sanctuary  carpet.  All  this  was  enough  to  justify  the 
good  words  the  missionary  had  always  for  San  Xavier  when  he 
had  to  speak  about  Arizona. 

The  most  pressing  work  having  been  attended  to  in  Tuc- 
son, San  Xavier  and  Tubac,  the  Vicar  General  had  already 
made  arrangements  for  a  journey  to  the  Pima  villages  and  to 
Yuma  when  he  was  called  back  to  Santa  Fe  by  his  Bishop, 
who  stated  only  that  he  needed  his  services  at  some  other  place. 
It  must  be  said  that  before  doing  anything  in  the  missions  of 
Arizona,  the  Vicar  General  of  Santa  Fe,  went  to  Sonora  to 
settle  the  question  of  jurisdiction  with  the  Bishop  of  that  coun- 
try, the  Rt.  Rev.  Loza,  now  the  Archbishop  of  Guadalajara. 
He  was  kindly  received  by  this  Prelate,  who  transferred  to  him, 


228  Colorado  Annexed  to  Santa  Fe, 

as  representative  of  the  Bishop  of  Santa  Fe,  jurisdiction  over 

the  population  of  Arizona,  which,  b}^  decree  of  the  Holy  See, 

was  taken  from  the  diocese  of  Sonora  to  be  attached  to  that  of 

Santa  Fe. 

(2)     Colorado. 

The  reason  why  the  Bishop  unexpectedly  called  his  Vicar 
from  Arizona,  was  because  the  Territory  of  Colorado  had  been 
also  annexed,  of  late,  to  the  Santa  Fe  diocese,  and  because  the 
prelate  had  no  other  priest  he  could  conveniently  send  for  a 
visit  to  that  country'.  Father  Machebeuf  started  at  once  from 
Tucson,  but  had  to  stop  at  Dona  Ana,  on  account  of  sickness, 
and  could  not  reach  Santa  Fe  before  the  end  of  November  1859, 
after  an  absence  of  about  four  months.  Had  he  been  given  his 
choice,  he  would  have  started  again  for  Arizona,  a  countr}'  he 
liked  for  its  climate  and  for  the  many  good  qualities  of  its 
inhabitants,  but  he  knew  his  duty  was  to  obey,  and  he  sub- 
mitted. Obedience,  however,  was  made  lighter  on  him,  when, 
at  his  request,  the  Bishop  promised  he  would  send  another 
priest  to  Arizona,  as  soon  as  possible. 

In  the  latter  part  of  December  of  the  same  year,  the  Very 
Rev.  Machebeuf  set  out  for  Colorado.  He  stopped  at  Denver, 
which  was  hardly  started  as  a  town.  There  he  enquired,  as 
he  knew  how  to  do,  about  ever>'  corner  of  the  Territory, 
about  the  new  mines  which  were  reported  from  all  sides  for 
record,  and  understood  that  the  country'  was  bound  to  come  up 
and  progress  rapidl}'.  There  were  only  a  few  Catholics  in 
Denver  at  that  time,  and  consequently  ver\'  little  to  do  for  the 
Vicar  General,  who  returned  to  Santa  Fe  in  order  to  make  the 
necessary  arrangements  for  the  establishment  of  a  mission  in 
Colorado  when  the  time  should  come  for  it.  Meanwhile  the 
immigrants  were  rushing  to  Colorado,  and  Father  Machel:>euf 
was  kept  'au  courant'  of  the  progress  of  the  Territory  bj-  the 
friends  he  had  made  there.  Verj^  soon  they  urged  upon  him  to 
come  back  to  Denver  without  delay.  Indeed  he  was  ready  and 
waited  only  for  the  time  his  Bishop  would  be  able  to  give  him 
a  priest  who  would  help  him  in  Colorado.  He  had  him  at  last 
in  the  person  of  Rev.  J.  B.  Raverd3',  recently  ordained  a  priest, 
and  both  started  in  the  fall  of  1S60  for  Colorado,  where  they  were 
to  spend  the  remainder  of  their  lives.  Thej^  fixed  their  residence 


Colorado  An'xexed  to  Saxta  Fe.  229 

in  Denver,  where,  in  a  short  time,  they  had  a  little  church 
which  has  been  enlarged  several  times  and  which  is  now  used 
as  the  cathedral  of  the  diocese,  though  by  far  too  small  for  the 
Catholic  population  of  the  parish. 

We  give  here  some  details  of  the  apostolic  life  of  Right 
Rev.  Joseph  Machebeuf  and  his  friend  Rev.  John  Baptist 
Raverdy,  quoting  freely  from  the  "History  of  the  Catholic 
Church  in  Colorado,"  by  Father  O'Rj-an  and  Father  Ma- 
lone  :      ( I ) 

Right  Eev.  Joseph  Machebkuf,  first  Catholic  Bishop  of  Denver, 
Avas  born  at  Riom,  France,  August  11,  1812,  He  was  ordained  to  the 
priesthood  on  Christmas,  1836,  Three  years  later  he  left  his  native 
land  for  America  and  offered  his  services  to  Bishop  Purcell,  of  Cincin- 
nati, Ohio.  While  laboring  in  that  diocese,  his  simplicity,  piety  and 
earnestness — those  qualities  which  particularly  shone  in  him  until  his 
death — made  him  beloved  wherever  he  went, 

"In  1844,"  writes  to  us  Eev.  P.  A.  Phillips  (2),  "Father  Machebeuf 
visited  his  home  in  France,  and  it  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  brought 
back  with  him  ten  Sisters  of  the  Ursuline  order  and  established  them 
in  Brown  County,  Ohio,  where  they  now  have  a  most  flourishing  and 
well-appointed  convent.  This  was  the  introdutibn  in  the  United  States 
of  a  teaching  community  unrivaled  in  the  Catholic  Church. 

In  1850,  Father  Lamy,  a  comrade  and  friend  of  Father  Machebeuf 
Avho  had  coiue  to  this  country  with  him,  was  made  Bishop  of  Santa  Fe, 
IS^.  M.,  taking  Father  Machebeuf  with  him.  Thej^  reached  Santa  Fein 
1851,  after  spending  several  months  giving  missions  through  Texas. 
Upon  arriving  at  Santa  Fe  Father  Machebeuf  was  created  Vicar-General 
of  the  diocese. 

All  through  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  for  years  he  traveled  up  and 
down,  building  up  the  Church  and  leaving  everywhere  the  imprint  of 
bis  zeal.  On  the  29th  of  October,  1860,  he  arrived  in  Denver,  accom- 
panied by  his  faithful  friend.  Rev.  J.  B.  Raverdy,  whom  Bishop  Lamy 
had  appointed  to  assist  him.  Here  he  begins  the  real  work  of  his  life 
and  we  regret  that  space  will  not  allow  more  than  a  cursory  view  of  it. 
Upon  his  arrival  here  he  immediately  started  the  building  of  the  Cath- 
olic church  of  St.  Mary's  which  still  stands  on  Stout  Street,  between 
Fifteenth  and  Sixteenth  Streets,  as  the  first  brick  edifice  reared  in  Col- 
orado to  the  service  of  God.  During  its  construction  the  Kev.  Father 
offered  up  the  holy  sacrifice  of  mass  in  a  small  frame  building  next  door 
to  the  present  Metropolitan  Hotel  at  Sixteenth  and  Market  Streets. 
Father  Machebeuf  continued  his  labors  in  Colorado  and  in  his  ceaseless 
journeying  from  place  to  place,  he  sowed  the  seed  of  the  gospel  of  Christ 


(1)  History  of  the  Church  in  Colorado.    (E.  J.  Kelley,  Art  Printing,  Denver.) 

(2)  Rev.  P.  A.  Phillips  has  been  for  several  years  and  is  yet  the  Chancellor  of 
the  diocese  of  Denver. 


230  CoLORADa, 

wherever  th^re  wasr  soil  to  receive  it.  But  the  Churcli  waff  growing- ancE 
Catholics  were  pouring  into  Coloratlo  with  tlie  tide  of  immigration.  Ire 
1864,  feeling  tlic  need  of  u  school,  he  called  to  his  assistance  the  Sisters 
of  Loretto  (Kentucky J  A  band  of  a  few  noble  women  hearkened  to 
his  call  and  in  humble  beginnings  they  planted  the  seed  which  has 
grown  to  the  proportions  of  a  magnificent  and  stately  educational  insti- 
tution called  Ft.  Mary's  Academy,  on  California  Street  between  Four- 
teenth and  Fifteenth  Streets.  On  February  5,  1868,  Colorado  and  Utah 
were  erected  in  a  Vicariate  Apostolic  and  Father  Machebeuf  was  ap- 
pointed its  Vicar  Apostolic  by  the  Holy  See. 

On  February  12,  1871,  Utah  was  placed  under  jurisdiction  of  the 
Archbishop  of  San  Francisco,  Cal.  On  August  16,  1868,  Father  Mache- 
beuf was  consecrated  bishop  in  St,  Peter'^s  Cathedral,  Cincinnati,  Ohio^ 
by  Archbishop  Purcell.  A  short  time  later  he  returned  to  Denver,, 
where  he  found  Catholic  interests  growing  rapidly  and  requiring  his 
constant  presence.  Meanwhile  Bishop  Machebeuf  had  been  calling  to 
his  assistance  a  few  zealous  and  hard-working  missionaries,  among 
whom  Father  Raverdy  stands  first  and  foremost. 

With  their  aid,  missions  were  established,  chapels  erected  and 
schools  built  almost  everywhere,  where  cii'cumstances  allowed.  Since 
1870  the  diocese  of  Denver  has  been  growing  so  rapidly  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  give  an  adequate  idea  of  its  building  and  of  its  present 
state  without  the  aid  of  dry  statistics.  At  this  writing  (as  a  result  of 
Bishop  Machebeuf's  zealous  and  untiring  work)  there  are  in  Denver 
nine  parishes,  with  each  a  parochial  school  attached  except  one  '  two 
hospitals ;  the  House  of  Good  Shepherd  ;  two  orphan  asylums ;  an  acad- 
emy and  a  fine  convent  of  the  Sisters  of  Loretto  at  Loretto  Heights, 
Last,  })ut  not  least,  we  can  mention  the  College  of  the  Sacred  Hearty 
conducted  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers.  No  betterappointed  institution  exists 
west  of  the  Missouri  river.  In  the  diocese  there  are  about  eighty 
priests — regular  and  secular — who  attend  about  ninety  churches  and 
chapels  and  over  one  hundred  and  ten  stations ;  eight  academies  with 
over  nineteen  parochial  schools  having  an  attendance  of  over  four 
thousand  pupils,  ten  hospitals,  and  a  total  Catholic  population  of  about 
sixty  or  seventy  thousand. 

Bishop  Joseph  P.  Machebexif  died  August  10,  1889,  leaving  his  won- 
drous works  for  his  monument.  His  body  rests  in  Mount  Olivet  Cem- 
etery, and  his  soul  with  God." 

When  in  the  diocese  of  Santa  Fe,  Bishop  Machebeuf  worked 
constantly  for  the  glory  of  God  and  for  the  good  of  souls.  As 
Vicar  General  he  had  no  charge  of  any  particular  parish  and 
for  this  reason,  he  used  to  go  from  one  mission  to  another, 
preaching  ever^^vhere,  and  helping  the  priests  as  much  as  he 
could  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties  and  cheering  them  in 
leisure  hour  by  his  pleasant  and  witty  conversation. 


C!0L0RAD0.  23l« 

Eegging  liad  T^ecome  a  habit  with  Father  Machebeuf,  so 
•:tnuch  so  that  he  could  not  visit  a  priest  without  asking  him  for 
something,  in  the  way  of  books  or  church  vestments,  before 
lea\nng  the  house  ■;  but  it  must  be  said  to  his  credit,  that  he 
liked  to  give  of  what  he  had,  and  sometimes,  he  gave  more  than 
lie  received.  Though  very  plain  and  unpretending  in  his  man- 
ner of  living,  he  did  not  approve  of  too  much  parsimony  on  the 
part  of  the  priests.  This  he  manifested  one  day  to  a  priest  he 
liappened  to  take  supper  with.  The  priest,  as  usual,  had  for 
Ms  evening  meal  "atole,"  corn  mush  and  milk,  and  as  it  was  too 
late  to  look  for  other  provisions,  it  was  all  he  could  offer  to  the 
Vicar  General.  The  latter,  before  leaving  the  next  day,  said 
to  his  host,  that  a  priest,  either  for  his  own  convenient  comfort 
or  to  command  consideration  from  other  people,  ought  to  have 
always  a  plain  but  good  table.  The  priest  alluding  to  the 
table  itself,  answered  :  '  'Yes,  Senor  Vicario,  my  table  is  old 
and  shaky,  and  this  is  the  reason  why  I  cannot  put  heavy 
■dishes  on  it ;  but  never  mind,  I  will  try  to  have  a  good  solid 
one  for  the  next  time  I  may  be  honored  with  your  visit."  The 
Very  Rev.  Vicar  could  only  laugh  heartily  and  go.  The  priest 
tept  his  word  ;  he  had  a  new  table  made,  and  he  feels  proud 
yet  to  show  it  to  his  guests,  asking  them  if  it  is  not  a  good  sub- 
stantial piece  of  furniture. 

Eev.  John  Baptist  Raverdy,  Catholic  priest,  was  born  in  the  old 
city  of  Rheims,  France,  June  24, 1831. 

His  early  education  was  received  in  his  native  town  j  philosophy 
and  theology  he  studied  at  the  college  at  Chalons.  It  is  well  to  notice 
here  that  the  young  man  was  materially  aided  in  his  arduous  studies, 
and  encouraged  in  the  attainments  of  his  holy  vocation  to  the  priest- 
hood by  Mr.  Charles  Heidsieck,  St.,  whose  death  occurred  February  13, 
1893,  when  seventy-one  years  old,  and  whose  son  is  still  a  prosperous 
and  respectable  wine  merchant  of  Rheims. 

Here  he  was  ordained  sub-deacon  in  1850.  In  1859,  hearing  of  the 
new  missionary  field  in  the  far-off  West,  he  offered  his  services  to 
Bishop  Lamy  of  Santa  Fe,  who  accepted  him  as  one  of  his,  and  ordained 
him  a  priest. 

Soon  after  he  cheerfully  obeyed  the  order  he  received  from  Bishop 
Lamy  to  go  to  the  Rocky  Mountain  region  with  Father  Machebeuf. 

After  a  long  and  tedious  journey,  weary  and  weak,  he  finally  ar- 
rived in  Denver  late  in  the  evening  of  the  29th  of  October,  1860.  At 
this  time  Denver's  chief  architectural  beauties  were  three  or  four  low 
brick  houses,  and  here  and  there  a  pretentious  frame  building.     For 


•232  Colorado, 

the  rest,  it  was  made  up  of  liurriedly  constructed  frame  or  log  cabins, 
and  outside  the  limits  the  smoke  gaily  curled  around  the  wigwams  of 
the  Indians.  Catholics  were  very  few  then,  numbering  about  thirty  or 
forty  individuals  in  Denver.  Notwithstanding,  Father  Raverdy  urged 
Bishop  ^lachebeuf  to  build  the  little  church  which  is  now  called  St, 
Mary's  Cathedral,  on  Stout  and  Fifteenth  Streets.  One  thing,  however, 
grieved  Father  Raverdy ;  it  was  that  this  church  should  be  built  on  the 
prairie.  On  Christmas  Day,  1860,  he  sang  in  it  the  first  mass  at  mid- 
night. 

While  Father  ]Machebeuf  was  building  the  church,  and  his  little 
house,  which  now  forms  part  of  the  present  vestry  of  St.  Mary's,  Father 
Raverdy  started  on  horseback  for  Southern  Colorado,  carrying  with  him 
the  necessary  paraphernalia  in  which  to  say  mass. 

He  first  visited  Heurfano,  arriving  there  November  15,  1860,  and 
remained  some  days,  visiting  Mexican  families,  saying  mass  for  them, 
baptizing  their  children,  performing  marriages,  etc.  In  connection 
with  his  work  in  Colorado,  it  may  be  interesting  to  mention  that  the 
first  Catholic  baptism  was  performed  by  Bishop  ^lieje,  during  his  visit  in 
1860.  Here  is  the  record  taken  from  the  register  of  St.  Mary's  Cathedral : 
"On  the  3d  of  June,  1860,  by  the  Rt.  Rev.  J.  B.  Mieje,  Bishop  of  Leaven- 
worth, was  baptized  George  Eckbet,  son  of  George  Eckbet  and  Margaret 
Thornton,  born  the  11th  of  March,  I860;  godmother,  Mary  Yank." 
The  second  baptism  was  performed  the  same  da)' ;  the  child  was  named 
John  Edward,  and  was  the  son  of  John  and  Catherine  Doyle;  sponsors, 
Wm.  Dunn  and  Mary  King;  baby  born  April  28th,  1860.  The  first 
marriage  of  Catholics  in  Denver  took  place  February  11,  1861.  The 
contracting  parties  were  Abner  Davidson  and  Anna  Moran.  Father 
Machebeuf  officiated.  Golden  City  had  then  several  Catholics.  In 
1860  three  children  of  Catholics  were  bom  there.  Their  names  were 
Murphy,  Truby  and  Kean.  INIartin  Murphy  was  born  on  New  Year's 
Day  1860  in  Golden. 

Up  and  down  went  Fathers  Raverdy  and  Machebeuf,  finding  here 
and  there  a  few  Catholic  families,  whose  needs  they  attended  and  faith 
they  consoled.  Hard  work  and  poor  fare,  such  was  the  lot  of  both 
priest  and  people.  He  lived  with  his  companion  from  hand  to  mouth. 
The  weary  rides  from  station  to  station,  the  many  nights  spent  with  no 
canopy  but  God's  grand  spangled  arch  of  blue,  and  no  bed  except  the 
cold  and  often  snow-covered  ground,  the  buffalo  robe  wrapped  close 
to  keep  the  cold  out :  such  were  their  comforts.  Yet  withal  they  were 
cheery.  Who  of  the  old  residents  from  Heurfano  to  Denver,  in  Cali- 
fornia Gulch,  in  Central  City,  ever  found  them  complaining  day  or 
night,  wherever  duty  called  them  ?  But  the  Christian  spirit,  the  spirit 
that  led  their  Master,  was  in  them.  The  life  of  these  two  priests  was 
purely  missionary  as  that  of  St.  Paul  in  his  travels.  In  1864  Father 
Raverdy  visited  Utah.  General  Connors  received  him  kindly  at  the 
Fort  in  Salt  Lake,  where  he  stayed  some  weeks  administering  to  the 


Colorado.  233 

■wants  of  the  Catholicg  there.  From  Salt  Lake  he  went  to  Montana, 
Avhere  the  gold  fever  was  raging.  He  was  there  one  month  and  did 
much  good. 

In  1866  he  took  charge  of  Central  City  and  from  Central  City  he  at- 
tended Georgetown,  Empire,  Idaho  Springs,  Boulder  and  several  other 
small  settlements.  He  remained  pastor  of  Central  City  until  1871.  In  1868 
Bishop  Machebeuf  appointed  Father  Raverdy  his  Vicar-General,  "a 
post  (to  use  Bishop  Machebeuf's  words  when  he  was  dying)  which  he 
has  held  honorably  ever  since."  Grand  and  simple  epitaph  for  a  priest. 
If  ever  a  monument  is  raised  over  his  grave,  let  these  words  te  carved 
on  its  marble. 

Father  Raverdy  died  on  the  18th  of  November,  1889,  at  Denver. 
The  shock  produced  by  Bishop  Machebeuf's  death  which  he  learned  on 
his  way  home  from  France,  certainly  hastened  his  own.  Perhaps  it 
was  as  well  that,  as  they  had  been  "lovely  and  pleasant  in  their  lives, 
in  their  death  they  were  not  divided,"  that  together  they  received  peace. 

The  Church  they  built  up  in  Colorado  remains  as  their  monument. 


15* 


CHAPTER  VII. 
The  First  Schools  Established  Outside  of  Santa  Ee, 

On  the  28th  of  October,  i860,  the  Rev.  John  B.  Salpointe 
left  Santa  Ee  for  Mora,  where  he  was  sent  as  parish  priest  to 
succeed  Rev.  Damazo  Talarid,  called  to  take  another  mission. 
The  parish  of  Mora  comprised  then  only  the  towns  and  settle- 
ments of  CeboUa,  Cueva,  Agua  Negra,  Guadalupita,  Coyote, 
Rayado  and  Cimaron,  all  with  chapels  except  the  three  last 
mentioned.  In  1863,  in  order  to  give  some  relief  to  Eather 
Machebeuf  and  to  his  assistant  priest,  Eather  Raverdy,  the 
Bishop  of  Santa  Ee  extended  the  jurisdiction  of  Mora  as  far  as 
to  embrace  the  rivers  of  L,as  Animas,  Huerfano,  and  San  Carlos 
near  the  place  where  now  stands  Pueblo  City.  Thus  enlarged, 
the  extension  of  the  parish  was  about  two  hundred  miles  from 
north  to  south.  There  was  more  than  enough  work  for  the 
parish  priest  and  his  assistant,  especially  on  account  of  the 
Raton  Range,  which,  to  go  to  L,as  Animas  river,  had  to  be 
crossed  for  a  couple  of  years  by  a  trail  hardly  perceptible  in 
many  places,  and  everywhere  as  bad  as  a  brook,  which  in  its 
course  cut  it  often  at  short  distances,  could  make  it.  Later  on, 
the  road  was  improved  and  bridges  put  on  the  brook  by  the 
well  known  old  pioneer  Richard  Hooton,  who  made  his  residence 
about  half  way  in  the  canon  of  the  mountain. 

At  the  foot  of  the  Raton  Range  on  the  north  side,  was 
Trinidad,  on  the  Animas  river,  with  a  few  adobe  houses,  and 
at  a  short  distance,  on  the  left  side  of  the  river,  a  small  log 
room,  the  property  of  Dn.  Eelipe  Vaca,  which  was  used  as  a 
chapel.     The  name   of  the  river  "Las  Animas,"  means   "the 


Schools  Outside  the  City  op  Santa  Fe.  235 

souls,"  on  account  of  the  first  explorers  who,  it  is  said,  were 
killed  by  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the  space  now  occupied 
by  the  rapidly  growing  city  of  Trinidad.  Among  the  first  set- 
tlers may  be  mentioned  Felipe  Vaca,  George  Simpson,  Juan 
Ignacio  Alire,  Henry  Biernbaum  and  Marcos  Tafoya. 

The  church  at  Mora  was  found  in  an  almost  ruinous  con- 
dition. Part  of  the  roof  had  given  way  under  the  weight  of 
the  mud  it  was  covered  with,  and  the  whole  of  it  was  threaten- 
ing to  fall  down  in  the  near  future.  Was  this  the  fault  of  the 
Rev.  D.  Taladrid  ?  It  is  what  he  plainly  admitted  when  he 
introduced  his  successor  to  some  of  the  influential  citizens  of 
the  town.  These  men,  he  said,  and  many  others  in  the  parish 
will  help  their  priest  to  repair  the  church  ;  if  they  have  not 
done  it  before,  it  is  only  because,  owing  to  my  age  and  to  my 
lack  of  knowledge  in  the  art  of  building  anything,  I  did  not 
request  them  to  do  so.  As  assent  was  given  to  these  words  by 
those  present;  it  was  an  encouragement  for  the  new  priest,  who 
first,  with  the  help  of  his  parishioners,  provided  for  the  security 
of  his  people  as  well  as  could  be  done  at  that  time.  Early  the 
next  spring,  a  more  thorough  repairing  which  amounted  almost 
to  complete  rebuilding,  was  given  to  the  church,  leaving  it  with 
a  board  ceiling  and  a  shingle  roof  instead  of  the  mud  one  it  had 
before.  True  it  is  the  priest  had  to  put  all  his  savings  in  this 
work,  but  he  really  found  the  people  of  Mora  alwa^'S  disposed 
to  help  him  in  the  measure  of  the  means  in  their  power.  The 
church  was  3^et  by  no  means  elegant  or  rich  ;  still  it  was  decent 
and  sufficient  for  the  actual  population,  and  has  not  been  re- 
placed yet  by  a  better  one,  though  it  has  been  embellished  by  a 
frame  tower  and  a  new  vestry  during  the  administration  of  the 
Rev.  John  B.  Guerin.  The  church  having  been  put  in  a  good 
condition,  the  Rev.  Salpointe  turned  his  attention  towards  estab- 
lishing schools  in  his  parish,  and  for  this  purpose,  as  well  as 
for  the  church,  he  received  material  help  from  his  parishioners. 
In  those  not  very  remote  days,  it  was  rather  difficult  to  have  a 
church  or  a  school  house  built  in  a  regular  and  attractive  shape. 
The  only  material  that  could  be  conveniently  had,  was  the 
adobe,  and  the  masons  who  emplo3^ed  it,  had,  as  a  rule,  a  very 
limited  knowledge  of  proportions,  and  less  taste  in  their  work. 
In  such  circumstances  it  devolved  on  the  priest  who  intended 


236  Schools  Outside  the  City  of  Santa  Fe. 

to  rear  some  building  for  public  use,  to  make  his  plans  and 
superintend  the  work  from  beginning  to  end,  as  much  as  possi- 
ble, in  order  to  prevent  the  mistakes  of  his  mechanics.  We 
remember  that  on  one  occasion  our  chief  mason  in  setting  some 
window  frames  for  the  church,  had  only  in  his  mind  to  put 
them  in  the  place  they  were  to  occupj'-,  without  pa^'ing  much 
attention  to  the  position  they  had  to  keep  as  to  level  and  per- 
pendicularity. We  came  in  time  to  call  his  attention  to  the 
defect,  and  his  answer  to  our  remark  was  this  :  "You  are  ver^^ 
strict  about  every^thing,  just  as  if  those  who  will  come  to  the 
church  would  carry  their  level  and  plumb  in  their  pocket." 
As  to  the  carpenter  work,  it  was  generally  done  with  less  diffi- 
culty, as  there  were  alread^^  in  the  country  American  carpenters 
who  understood  their  trade  well  enough  to  make  doors  and 
windows,  and  to  cover  a  building. 

In  the  summer  of  1863,  the  Bishop  of  Santa  Fe  received 
notification  that  his  good  friend,  Father  Machebeuf,  had  met 
with  a  serious  accident  on  coming  from  Central  City^  to  Denver, 
The  buggy  on  which  he  rode  upset,  leaving  him  with  a  broken 
leg  and  little  hope  of  recovery-.  The  Bishop,  fearing  his  friend 
might  die  from  the  shock,  made  haste  for  a  journey  to  Denver, 
and  left  Santa  Fe  without  taking  any  pro\dsions  for  the  road. 
The  next  day  at  about  noon  he  reached  IVIora  and  invited  us 
to  join  him  on  the  trip  to  Denver,  but  peremptorily  objected  to 
stop  over  a  couple  of  hours  to  prepare  some  suitable  provi- 
sions. He  took  what  was  left  of  the  dinner,  about  enough  for 
one  meal,  and  we  started  at  once  to  make  Ocate  cailon  for  the 
night.  The  next  day  at  noon,  the  small  party  was  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Rayado,  where  a  good  supply  was  obtained  from  the 
house  of  Mr.  J.  Abreu,  next  from  Trinidad,  and  farther  on 
from  Jose  Doyle's  place  on  the  Huerfano  river.  The  Bishop, 
who  could  do  with  one  meal  a  day  even  at  home,  provided  he 
had  a  cup  of  black  coffee  and  a  piece  of  bread  morning  and 
evening,  always  objected  to  making  ample  provision  of  victuals 
for  travehng  and  this  is  the  reason  why,  from  Huerfano  to 
Denver,  about  one  hundred  and  forty  miles,  the  travelers  had 
to  live  mostly  on  game.  The  prelate  was  not  much  of  a  hunt- 
er, but  he  could  build  a  fire,  while  his  servant  was  taking  care 
of  the  horses,  and  as  game  was  abundant  it  did  not  take  a 


Schools  Outside  the  City  of  Santa  Fe.  237 

long  time  before  the  companion  from  Mora  would  come  with  a 
rabbit  or  something  else.  To  roast  it  at  the  end  of  a  stick  was 
the  matter  of  only  a  short  while,  but  salt  was  wanting,  and 
without  it,  this  kind  of  meat  is  unsavorj^  and  hard  to  swallow. 
Still  nobody  complained  much  about  it,  so  good  a  cook  is 
hunger.  We  must  not  forget  that  a  couple  of  days  before 
reaching  Denver,  we  met  on  Plum  creek  a  little  farm  started 
by  Mr.  Bug,  who  was  acquainted  with  Bishop  Lamy,  and  there 
we  found  an  agreeable  reception  and  a  good  dintier.  The  jour- 
ney lasted  ten  days  of  quick  travel,  at  the  end  of  which  the 
Bishop  and  the  priest  of  Mora  had  the  pleasure  of  finding 
Father  Machebeuf  on  the  wa^^  to  convalescence,  and  cheerful  as 
ever,  though  he  knew  he  would  remain  lame  for  life. 

In  1864,  April  4th,  the  Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe,  parish  priest 
of  Mora,  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  three  Sisters  of  I,oretto 
coming  from  Santa  Fe,  at  his  request,  to  take  charge  of  a 
school  for  girls  in  the  vicinity  of  his  residence  on  the  church 
plaza.  These  were  Sisters  Mary  Borja,  Cecilia  and  Ynes. 
Soon  after  there  was  opened  in  the  same  town  a  school  for  boys 
under  the  direction  of  the  Christian  Brothers.  A  few  months 
before,  the  Rev.  Gabriel  Ussel,  parish  priest  of  Taos,  had 
founded  two  similar  institutions  in  his  parish.  The  Brothers 
and  the  Sisters  who  took  charge  of  these  schools  were  the  first 
who  left  Santa  Fe  to  extend  the  blessings  of  their  work  to  the 
parishes  of  the  diocese.  At  Mora,  as  at  Taos,  the  Brothers  re- 
mained only  a  few  jxars,  owing  to  the  poor  attendance  of  pupils 
and  thereby  the  lack  of  means  for  their  support.  The  Sisters 
have  persevered  residing  in  both  places  notwithstanding  the 
difficulties  they  have  met  with  on  several  occasions ;  the  sever- 
est trial  the  Sisters  had  to  stand  at  Mora  was  the  burning  of 
their  house  at  the  end  of  1888.  It  was  also  in  1864  that  the 
Sisters  of  lyoretto  were  called  to  Denver  by  Father  Machebeuf 
to  found  St.  Mar3''s  Academy. 

As  we  have  seen  before  (Chap.  III.),  the  Sisters  of  Dor- 
retto  suffered  from  the  cholera,  which,  when  they  first  started 
for  New  Mexico,  deprived  them  of  one  of  their  number  and 
obUged  another  to  stop  on  her  way  and  go  back  from  Indepen- 
dence to  the  Mother  House  for  her  convalescence.  This  was  a 
severe  trial,  but  not  the  last  they  had  to  undergo  in  extending 


238  Schools  Outside  the  City  of  Saxta  Fe. 

their  beneficial  work  to  the  missions  of  Santa  Fe  before  there 
were  facilities  for  transportation  as  we  have  them  at  the  present 
time.     We  speak  here  of  October  31,  1864. 

At  this  date  we  were  coming  from  Santa  Fe  with  some 
Sisters  as  an  addition  to  those  already  established  at  Mora.  We 
passed  Sapello  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  with  aU  appearances  of 
bad  weather  for  the  night,  but  the  Sisters  had  a  good  covered 
wagon,  and  we  intended  to  reach  Mora  for  the  feast  of  All  Saints, 
even  by  traveling  at  night.  The  distance  was  twenty-seven 
miles.  We  started  against  the  good  advice  of  the  priest  of 
Sapello,  the  Rev.  Francis  Jouvenceau,  who  offered  us  the  hos- 
pitality of  his  house.  For  about  an  hour  the  weather  was  good, 
when  on  a  sudden  it  commenced  to  rain  hard,  and  soon  after, 
to  snow  in  great  abundance.  Before  long  the  night  became 
dark,  and  the  road  hardly  visible,  when  the  horses  stopped  in  a 
ravine,  and  could  not  move  ahead  on  account  either  of  the  deep 
snow  or  of  the  slipper}'  ground  they  had  under  their  feet.  This 
had  to  be  the  end  of  the  journey.  After  tying  up  our  animals 
to  the  surrounding  trees  we  and  our  boy  commenced  to  feel  the 
surrounding  ground  with  our  feet  in  order  to  find  some  sticks 
of  dry  wood  to  build  a  fire.  We  succeeded,  not  without  diffi- 
culty, but  the  Sisters  wrapped  with  blankets  in  their  convey- 
ance, refused  to  avail  themselves  of  our  fire.  Our  supper  con- 
sisted of  some  biscuits  and  apples  which  the  Sisters  furnished 
us  from  their  basket. 

At  this  juncture  we  were  summoned  imperatively'  to  clear 
the  way,  by  Father  Machebeuf,  who  was  also  going  to  Santa 
Fe  for  a  colony  of  Sisters  for  Denver.  Great  was  the  surprise 
for  both  to  meet  in  such  a  predicament,  and  more  so  for  the 
Father  when  he  saw  that  he  could  not  attempt  to  pursue  his 
way  before  da^'light,  without  exposing  himself  to  the  danger  of 
missing  the  road  and  going  over  some  precipice.  At  last  he 
understood  that  he  could  not  fight  against  the  elements  and  de- 
termined to  accept  the  hospitality  we  could  offer  him.  He  had 
room  for  us  in  his  wagon,  and  the  boys,  with  the  blankets  we 
could  spare,  made  it  as  comfortable  as  they  could  near  the  fire. 
We  had  just  commenced  to  slumber  when  we  were  startled  by 
a  tremendous  crash  which  was  repeated  several  times  by  the 
echo  of  the  mountains.     What  was  it  ?     It  was  nothing  but  the 


Schools  Outside  the  City  of  Santa  Fe.  239 

snow  whose  weight  had  despoiled  a  large  pine  tree  of  all  its 
branches  from  top  to  bottom.  Then  commenced  our  fear  for 
the  Sisters,  whose  wagon  was  between  two  or  three  of  the  same 
trees.  Fortunately,  or  rather  providentially,  the  night  went 
on  without  any  repetition  of  the  dreadful  noise. 

The  next  morning  early  we  started,  not  for  Mora,  our  des- 
tination, but  for  Sapello,  in  order  to  keep  the  feast  of  All 
Saints.  The  snow  had  stopped  falling,  but  we  had  it  so  deep 
on  the  ground  that,  at  every  three  or  four  steps,  the  horses  re- 
fused to  pull  as  the  snow  became  piled  up  in  front  of  the  axles, 
and  at  ever>^  time  we  had  to  use  a  stick  to  remove  the  obstruc- 
tion before  we  could  make  another  start.  It  was,  as  can  be 
understood,  a  rather  slow  and  painful  way  of  traveling ;  still 
towards  the  evening  we  reached  the  house  of  Dn.  Fernando 
Nolan,  about  four  miles  from  the  starting  point.  This  gentle- 
man, a  friend  of  ours,  gave  the  best  room  he  had  to  the  Sisters 
and  treated  us  not  as  ordinary  guests,  but  as  we  needed  after  a 
long  fast.  We  spent  the  night  there,  and  the  next  day  in  the 
afternoon,  with  the  help  of  Mr.  Nolan  and  some  of  his  neigh- 
bors on  horseback,  we  made  for  Sapello,  and  the  day  after  for 
Mora  by  another  road,  out  of  the  woods  and  less  obstructed  by 
the  snow. 

When  a  priest  was  appointed  to  a  parish,  he  was,  at  his 
first  appearance  in  it,  given  a  reception,  not  very  brilliant  in 
every  case,  but  always  cordial,  and  as  good  as  circumstances 
could  afford.  In  the  country  places,  the  ceremony  took  place 
generally  in  front  of  the  chapel  on  the  first  occasion  the  priest 
had  to  say  mass  in  it.  The  principal  actors  were  the  fiddlers, 
the  guitar  players,  the  drummer,  some  men  with  fire  arms 
and  a  poet  whose  duty  it  was  to  extemporize  some  crude  com- 
plimentary verses  which  did  not  always  bear  the  stamp  of 
novelty.  After  this  performance  the  priest  might  return  the 
compliment  on  the  spot,  and  then  proceed  into  the  chapel  for  the 
celebration  of  mass. 

In  some  chapels,  there  were  no  bells  to  call  the  people  ;  in 
these  cases  guns  were  fired  oflf  at  the  hour  for  mass.  When 
the  chapel  was  too.  far  for  the  priest  to  go  home  for  his 
breakfast,  he  was  always  invited  by  some  one  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  place  to  a  cup  of  coffee  or  something  to  eat,  as  might  be 


240  Schools  Outside  the  City  of  Santa  Fe. 

preferred.  The  Mexican  people  have  ahva3^s  distinguished 
themselves  by  their  hospitality,  not  only  to  their  priests,  but  to 
any  stranger  who  might  come  to  their  houses,  even  if  they  had 
to  beg  from  their  neighbors  to  accommodate  their  guests. 

On  the  26th  of  October,  1863,  the  Right  Rev.  Bishop 
Lamy,  who  had  alread}'  procured  two  Jesuit  Fathers  from  Cali- 
fornia for  the  missions  of  Arizona,  started  from  Santa  Fe  with 
one  of  his  priests,  the  Rev.  J.  M.  Coudert,  in  order  to  pay  a 
visit  to  these  missionaries  and  to  see  the  principal  settlements 
of  the  Territory'.  From  Albuquerque  he  took  the  northwestern 
direction  for  Prescott,  visiting  at  the  same  time  the  parish  of 
Cebolleta,  the  pueblo  of  Zuiii  and  other  places  of  western  New 
Mexico.  His  Lordship  reached  Prescott  toward  the  middle  of 
December,  and  remained  in  the  neighborhood  until  after  Christ- 
mas day.  From  there  he  went  b^^  Fort  Mohave  to  Los  Angeles, 
where  he  spent  a  few  days  with  the  Right  Rev.  Bishop  Amat, 
and  thence  started  for  Tucson  b}^  the  way  of  La  Paz,  Weaver, 
Salt  River  and  Maricopa  Wells. 

The  inhabited  districts  of  what  has  since  become  the  grow- 
ing city  of  Prescott  were  then  only  small  mining  camps  ;  Wea- 
ver was  a  gold  placer  worked  by  a  few  Mexican  men ;  still 
there  was  activity  ever3^where,  and  the  miners  looked  contented 
and  entertained  great  hopes  for  the  near  future.  The  Bishop 
and  his  priest  reached  Tucson  on  the  19th  of  March,  just  in 
time  to  spend  H0I5'  Week  in  that  tow-n.  They  found  generous 
hospitality,  the  Bishop  in  the  house  of  W.  S.  Oury,  and  Father 
Coudert  in  that  of  Dn.  Juan  Fernandez. 

The  two  Jesuit  Fathers,  already  mentioned,  were  the  Revs. 
Mesea  and  Bosco,  the  former  residing  in  Tucson  and  the  latter 
in  the  San  Xavier  pueblo.  They  had  succeeded  Father  Donato 
Rogieri,  an  ex-Franciscan,  who  was  killed,  with  two  of  his 
companions,  by  the  Apache  Indians,  at  the  hot  springs  of  Vado 
de  Bigas  in  the  State  of  Chihuahua,  Mexico.  This  priest 
worked  faithfully  for  about  three  years  in  Tucson  and  San 
Xavier  del  Bac.  He  laid  in  Tucson  the  foundations  of  the 
church  which  was  afterwards  the  pro-cathedral  of  the  Vicar- 
iate Apostolic  of  Arizona. 

As  the  Jesuit  Fathers  had  neither  church  nor  residence  of 
their  own  in  Tucson,  they  remained  only  a  short  time  after  the 


--^'•^?^^ 


XXXVIII.     Very  Rev.  E.  Gerard,  Vicar  General, 

Tucson,  Ariz. 


XXXIX  &  XL.     St.   Mary's  Hospital,    Tucson,    Ariz. 


Schools  Outside  the  City  of  Saxta  Fe.  241 

f 
Bishop's  visit.     The  people  have  kept  a  good  remembrance  of 

their  sta^^  among  them  ;  the  San  Xavier  Indians  especially 
were  formerly  fond  of  speaking  of  Father  Mesea,  as  a  man  who 
pleaded  their  cause  with  their  agent,  to  get  from  him  the  agri- 
cultural implements  the}'  needed,  besides  caring  zealously  for 
their  spiritual  welfare. 

In  August,  1864,  the  Right  Rev.  Bishop  of  Santa  Fe  was 
informed  that  the  Jesuit  Fathers  had  been  recalled  b^'  their  Su- 
perior, and  that  Arizona  was  left  without  priests  to  care  for  the 
spiritual  wants  of  its  people.  As  the  mission  was  considered  a 
ver>'  dangerous  one  on  account  of  the  Apache  Indians  scattered 
all  over  its  territory,  the  good  Prelate  felt  reluctant  to  send  to 
it  any  of  his  priests  authoritatively.  What  he  did  was  to  ex- 
press his  desire  that  some  of  them  would  volunteer  for  it.  Out 
of  three  who  offered  themselves  for  the  distant  and  dangerous 
mission,  two  were  accepted,  viz.  :  Rev.  Peter  Lassaigne  and 
Rev.  Peter  Bernal.  The  third  was  kept  back  on  account  of  two 
schools  he  was  actualty  engaged  in  building  in  the  parish  of 
Mora  and  which  had  not  yet  reached  their  completion.  It  took 
onh'  a  few  da3'S  to  have  the  two  priests  ready  for  their  joiirne}'. 
The  distance  between  Santa  Fe  and  Tucson  was  six  hundred 
miles.  The  half  of  it  was  traveled  in  stage  without  difficult}', 
but  from  Las  Cruces,  where  they  left  the  stage,  the  mission- 
aries could  not  find  any  facilitv'  for  going  farther  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Arizona.  All  travel  had  been  stopped  for  fear  of  the 
Apaches  who  were  reported  to  be  roaming  in  that  portion  of 
the  country-.  The  priests  offered  a  good  sum  of  money  for 
horses  and  a  guide,  but  nobody  would  risk  his  life  for  the  sake 
of  any  money.  At  last,  after  three  weeks'  waiting  for  an  op- 
portunity- which  did  not  present  itself,  the  Rev.  gentlemen  had 
to  return  to  Santa  Fe. 


16 


CHAPTER     Vlir. 
Missionaries  Sent  From  Santa  Fe  to  Arizona. 

The  danger  from  the  Indians  between  Santa  Fe  and  TuC' 
son  was  ahvaj-s  the  same  ;  but  time  was  going  rapidly  bj-  and 
the  Bishop  growing  more  and  more  anxious  ever}'  day  for  the 
portion  of  his  flock  which  remained  without  priests.  At  this 
juncture  the  parish  priest  of  Mora  was  reminded  of  the  promise 
he  had  made,  the  year  previous,  of  his  services  for  the  missions 
of  Arizona.  Bishop  Lamy  joined  to  him  the  Revds.  Francis 
Boucard  and  Patrick  Birmingham,  and  Mr.  Vincent,  a  young 
man  as  school  teacher.  The  four  were  provided  with  saddle 
horses  and  a  four  horse  wagon  driven  by  a  Mexican  man  to 
carry  the  baggage  and  provisions.  Thus  equipped,  the  small 
party  started  on  their  long  journey  in  the  afternoon  of  the  6th 
of  January  1866. 

Measures  had  been  taken,  as  far  as  possible,  for  the  safety' 
of  the  missionaries.  At  the  request  of  the  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop, 
General  Carleton,  commanding  Fort  Marcy  at  Santa  Fe,  was 
kind  enough  to  furnish  an  escort  to  the  missionaries  as  far  aS 
Bowie,  the  Hmit  of  his  department.  The  first  day,  the  party 
went  to  Juana  L,opez  ranch,  about  eighteen  miles  from  Santa 
Fe,  where  they  stopped  for  the  night  at  Dn.  Nicolas  Pino's 
house.  The  next  day,  January'  the  7th,  they  reached  near 
Algodones  when  it  was  already  dark.  There  they  were  caught 
by  a  heavy  rainstorm  accompanied  by  continuous  flashes  of 
lightning  and  peals  of  thunder.  It  was  necessar>^  then,  to 
hurry  up  for  the  houses  where  we  stopped  for  the  night,  though 
we  had  intended  to  reach  Bernalillo,  some  eight  miles  further 


Missionaries  Sext  From  Santa  Fe  to  Arizona.  243 

on.  Such  a  storm  in  January'  looked  rather  uniisual,  and  still 
more  unusual  looked  the  long  aigrettes  of  electricity  which 
shone  without  interruption  on  the  ears  of  the  horses,  a  thing 
which  occurs  sometimes  in  the  dr>'  climate  of  New  Mexico,  but 
which  was  unknown  to  us  thus  far.  Adding  to  that  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night  and  the  roaring  of  the  swollen  Rio  Grande, 
whose  w-aves  ran  close  by,  everj'thing  contributed  to  make  it 
seem  weird  and  ominous.  Was  not  all  that  enough  to  remind 
travelers  of  what  their  friends  had  told  them,  to  prevent  them 
from  going  to  Arizona,  namely,  that  they  were  going  to  certain 
death  ?  Indeed  the  elements  seemed  to  be  against  us.  It  was 
perhaps  what  ever>^  one  said  to  himself,  but  none  had  much  op- 
portunity to  express  at  the  time  his  inmost  impressions,  as  it  was 
necessarv^  to  make  haste  for  a  shelter.  Having  found  a  good 
house  where  to  stop,  we  had  a  fair  night's  rest,  and  the  next 
da}^  the  sun  rose  radiant  as  if  to  sa^'  to  us  :  *'Do  not  fear, 
timid  men,  trials  have  onty  their  time." 

January'  the  8th  was  really  a  beautiful  da}',  which  was 
employed  in  going  to  Tome,  where  the  Rev.  J.  B.  Ralliere, 
gave  us  generous  and  cordial  hospitality.  It  was  at  Pinos,  in 
the  parish  of  Tome,  that  we  could  procure  the  first  escort,  but 
on  the  advice  of  Father  Ralliere,  we  determined  not  to  take  it 
as  there  were  for  a  long  distance  along  the  river  settlements 
enough  to  make  it  safe  for  us.  The  Rev.  J.  B.  Ralliere,  who 
had  been  notified  of  the  coming  part}',  had  already  made  ar- 
rangements to  join  it,  with  Rev.  Benedict  Bernard,  the  parish 
priest  of  Socorro,  and  go  with  it  as  far  as  Fort  Selden. 

Socorro  was  made  the  station  for  the  night  of  January'  9th. 
and  that  night  was  found  very  short  owing  to  the  joviality  of 
the  Revds.  Ralliere  and  Bernard,  who  kept  us  pleasantly  awake 
until  nearly  midnight.  In  those  old  days,  when  some  priests 
met  together,  it  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  fraternal  festival. 

On  the  loth,  after  breakfast,  the  little  caravan,  to  which 
Rev.  Bernard  joined  himself,  started  for  Paraje,  about  thirty  five 
miles  down  the  river.  There  it  was  customar}^  for  travelers  to 
stop  twenty-four  hours,  to  feed  their  animals  and  prepare  them 
for  the  crossing  of  the  "Jornada  del  Muerto",  a  distance  of 
ninety  miles  without  water,  except  when  it  rained  for  some  time. 
Jornada  in  Spanish   means  a  day's  travel,   but  required  the 


244  Missionaries  Sent  From  Santa  Fe  to  Akizova. 

night  also.  Muerto  means  dead,  ven^  likely  somebody  was 
found  dead  on  the  way  through  the  Jornada.  There  was,  how- 
ever, a  possibility  of  having  water  bj^  going  for  it  to  Camp 
McRae,  which  made  the  road  easier  for  the  horses,  though  about 
twenty-five  miles  longer.     This  plan  we  accepted  as  the  safest. 

McRae  was  on  the  Rio  Grande,  about  twenty  miles  below 
Fort  Craig.  There  we  arrived  on  the  1 2th  of  January,  in  the 
afternoon,  and  were  given  a  cordial  reception  by  the  commanding 
officer.  Captain  French,  who  supplied  us  with  choice  fresh 
provisions  before  we  left  the  Post. 

January  13th  early  the  caravan  was  marching  again.  Late 
at  night  we  stopped  for  a  few  hours  without  water,  in  the 
Jornada,  in  order  to  rest  the  horses.  The  next  morning  be- 
fore daybreak,  the  camp  was  raised  and  the  march  resumed  for 
Fort  Selden,  at  the  end  of  the  Jornada,  where  a  good  rest  for 
men  and  horses  was  contemplated  before  going  any  farther. 
Those  of  the  party  who  traveled  on  horseback  pushed  ahead 
at  daylight,  leaving  behind  their  wagon  with  the  driver  and  a 
few  men  who  had  arrived  at  the  camp  during  the  night.  No- 
body suspected  any  danger,  as  nothing  could  be  seen  on  the 
plain,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  Still,  the  missionaries  had 
hardly  traveled  a  couple  of  hours,  when  they  discovered  five 
mounted  Indians  coming  to  them  rapidly  in  an  oblique  direction. 
The  Rev.  Gentlemen  were  badlj'  prepared  to  resist  an  attack, 
and  what  they  instinctively  did  was  to  gallop  for  their  lives, 
keeping  to  the  trail.  The  Indians,  probably,  considered  they 
had  been  noticed  too  soon  to  be  able  to  accomplish  what  they 
intended,  that  is  to  say,  to  take  bj^  surprise,  and  turned  back, 
to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  missionaries.  They  in  fact,  had 
only  two  firearms,  and  in  their  hurry  to  make  good  time  in 
their  flight,  did  not  even  think  of  making  use  of  them. 
The  danger  over,  they  admitted  the^^  had  been  very  imprudent 
in  leaving  their  w^agon  and  men  behind,  and  resolved  to  profit 
by  the  lesson  for  another  time.  Thej^  judged  by  the  direction 
the  Indians  had  taken,  that  there  would  be  no  danger  for  those 
who  came  after  them,  and  went  on  quietly  to  Selden,  which 
they  reached  onlj^  a  few  hours  ahead  of  their  wagon. 

Undoubtedly  the  missionaries  would  have  been  kindly  re- 
ceived at  the  Post  without  any  recommendation,  but  still  warmer 


MissioxARiES  Sext  From  Saxta  Fe  to  Arizoxa.  245 

was  their  reception  on  account  of  the  letters  they  had  to  present 
from  General  Carleton.  Having  to  spend  Sunday  at  the  Post, 
one  of  the  priests  said  mass,  at  which  assisted  at  least  the  Cath- 
olic soldiers  who  were  not  prevented  by  actual  duty. 

An  escort  was  ready  for  the  travelers  on  the  17th.  It  con- 
sisted of  twenty  men,  who  were  detailed  to  reconnoitre  the  road 
as  far  as  Fort  Commins.  The  missionaries  could  not  wish  for 
any  better,  as  it  was  exactly  the  road  they  had  to  follow.  It  took 
some  time  to  cross  the  river  at  Selden  ;  still  the  Magdalena  camp, 
about  thirty  miles  distant,  was  made  before  dark.  A  station 
has  been  established  since  at  that  place,  where  water  can  be  had  ; 
while  before,  it  was  only  in  the  rainy  season  that  traveling 
people  could  hope  to  find  any  water.  For  the  time  being, 
the  soldiers  had  brought  an  ample  supply  of  it,  not  only  for  the 
men  but  also  for  the  animals.  The  missionaries  had  to  cook  for 
themselves,  but  their  horses  were  taken  care  of  with  those  of 
the  soldiers  at  night. 

The  next  day,  January  i8th,  it  was  only  at  10  o'clock  p. 
m.  that  the  party  arrived  at  Fort  Commins  at  the  foot  of  Cook's 
Peak.  As  it  was  too  late  to  look  for  Shelter  in  the  houses  of 
the  Post,  the  whole  party  camped  near  an  abundant  spring 
called  Cook's  Spring,  after  the  name  of  an  American  ofQcer, 
Captain  Cook,  who  in  1846  was  sent  from  Santa  Fe  by  General 
Kearney  to  join  the  American  troops  in  California,  and  who 
was  the  first  to  make  his  way  through  the  mountains. 

On  the  19th  the  missionaries  started  from  Commins  with  a 
new  escort  for  Rio  Mimbres,  a  distance  of  eighteen  miles 
through  Cook's  Mountains.  There  commenced  the  real  danger 
from  the  Indians  on  the  whole  of  the  road  from  this  point  to 
Tucson,  a  distance  of  about  260  miles.  The  soldiers  of  the 
escort  were  visibly  afraid  to  go  through  the  mountains  by  a  nar- 
row craggy  cafion  about  ten  miles  in  length.  They  spoke  of 
several  people  having  been  killed  of  late  by  the  Indians  on  that 
same  road,  but  their  fears  were  greatly  increased  when  they 
discovered  on  the  sand  some  footprints  which  they  took  for 
Indian  tracks.  All  went  ahead,  however,  with  caution,  and 
their  eyes  scanned  every  bush  and  rock  along  the  road  until 
the  dreaded  caiion  was  left  behind  without  accident  or  notable 
incident.     Early  in  the  afternoon  the  caravan  arrived  in  the 


246  '  MissioxARiES  Sent  From  Santa  Fe  to  Arizona. 

vicinit}-  of  the  Rio  Mimbres,  where  some  soldiers  had  been 
temporaril}'  stationed  for  the  protection  of  traveling  people  who 
had  to  camp  there  for  water.  Near  the  soldier's  tent  was  a 
merchant  from  El  Paso,  Mexico,  Mr.  Davis,  who  was  going  to 
Arizona  with  some  wagons  loaded  with  merchandise.  This 
man  had  crossed  Cook's  Mountain  the  night  before,  and  the 
tracks  the  men  of  our  escort  saw  on  the  road  were  no  others 
but  those  of  the  men  who  drove  Mr.  Davis'  wagons.  It  was 
like  a  stroke  of  good  fortune  for  the  missionaries  to  see  their 
number  increased  by  five  or  six  men  for  the  remainder  of  their 
journey'. 

January'  20,  the  start  was  made  for  "Ojo  de  la  Vaca,"  Cow 
Spring,  eighteen  miles  distant,  without  any  kind  of  trees  on 
the  trail,  which  made  it  so  much  more  pleasant  for  the  travel- 
ers, as  they  could  see  far  enough  to  avoid  an3'  surprise  from  the 
Indians. 

On  the  2ist  the  caravan  made  toward  Soldiers'  Farewell, 
an  old  station  of  the  overland  mail,  in  the  "Sierra  de  las  Bur- 
ras, ' '  Burro  Mountain.  The  place  is  a  dangerous  one  on  account 
of  the  many  ravines  bj'  which  it  is  cut  and  the  brush  in  which 
the  Indians  can  easily  hide  themselves.  Still  it  had  to  be  made 
the  station  for  the  night,  as  the  next  water  was  at  least  twenty 
miles  farther  on. 

January  2  2d  the  caravan  reached  "Las  Playas,"  the  shores, 
another  abandaned  station  of  the  overland  mail  route  where  no 
water  could  be  had  except  from  some  low  places  where  rain 
water  remained  for  want  of  an  outlet.  The  name  of  Playas,  or 
shores,  comes  evidently  from  the  long  stretches  of  bare  argilla- 
ceous land  which  lie  around  the  place  and  which,  seen  from  a 
distance  under  the  rays  of  the  sun,  represent  either  lakes  or 
sand}'  shores.  The  semblance  of  the  lakes  is  produced  by  an 
effect  of  the  mirage. 

From  Las  Pla3^as  the  journey  was  made,  on  the  23d,  to 
San  Simon,  by  the  way  of  Stein's  Peaks,  a  road  which  was 
opened  in  1857  or  '58  by  Major  Stein,  going  from  New  Mexico 
to  Arizona.  The  canon  to  be  followed  between  the  peaks  was 
shorter  than  Cook's  but  deeper,  and  for  this  reason  more  dan- 
gerous ;  still  it  was  passed  without  an^-  trouble.  San  Simon  is 
the  name  of  a  verj-  long  valley  lying  between  Stein's  Peak  and 


Missionaries  Sent  Fkom  Santa  Fe  to  Arizona.  247 

the  Chiricahua  mountains.     There  is   plent}^  of  rich  land,  but 
not  water  enough  to  irrigate  it. 

January  24th  the  missionaries  went  to  Fort  Bowie,  called 
also  Apache  Pass,  Mr.  Davis  remaining  with  his  wagons  outside 
the  limits  of  the  Post.  The  garrison  was  composed  mostly  of 
Mexican  volunteers  who  had  been  stationed  there  after  the 
war,  under  the  command  of  Major  O' Gorman.  The  escort 
given  b}^  General  Carleton  could  not  go  an}^  farther,  as  it  had 
reached  the  limit  of  the  Santa  Fe  military  department,  but  the 
Major  kindly  extended  the  same  favor  to  the  missionaries,  pro- 
vided thej^  would  Wait  until  the  saine  men  could  escort  at  the 
same  time  a  freighter  who  had  come  from  Tucson  with  provis- 
ions for  the  Post,  and  was  preparing  to  return  home  with  his 
wagons.  The  delay  was  only  three  days.  Meanwhile  the 
commanding  officer  kept  the  travelers  as  his  own  guests,  and 
though  not  a  Catholic  himself,  he  was  full  of  attentions  for 
them,  and  gave  them  the  use  of  the  hospital  tent  to  say  mass 
for  the  soldiers.  During  the  stay  at  Bowie  the  Rev.  J.  B.  Sal- 
pointe  was  able  to  assist  a  dying  man.  Captain  Tapia  from 
Santa  Fe,  and  give  him  the  last  sacraments  of  the  Church. 

On  the  27th  the  escort  was  read}^  and  the  start  was  de- 
termined for  I  o'clock  p.  m. ,  just  early  enough  to  get  out  of 
the  mountain  with  the  wagons  before  dark  and  to  select  a  place 
for  the  camp.  On  that  occasion  no  fire  was  lit  in  order  not  to 
attract  the  attention  of  the  Indians  who  were  supposed  to  be  in 
the  neighborhood.  The  caravan  had  become  now  a  strong  one, 
with  the  addition  of  the  freighters  from  Tucson  and  his  men  ; 
the  size  of  the  wagons  was  also  for  the  party  a  protection  against 
an  attack  from  the  Indians  in  case  they  might  come. 

The  next  day,  January  28th,  the  drive  was  an  easy  one, 
about  twenty-five  miles  of  hard  road  and  down  hill  to  Sulphur 
Spring.  This  was  another  dangerous  place,  as  on  account  of 
its  permanent  water  the  Indians,  traveling  between  Sonora  and 
New  Mexico,  would  always  come  to  it.  It  was  necessary^  to 
watch  closely  the  whole  night,  though  there  were  in  the  camp 
men  in  sufficient  number  to  inspire  some  respect  in  a  small 
band  of  Indians. 

On  the  29th,  the  camp  for  the  night  was  made  at  Dragoon 
Mountain,  without  water  for  the  animals,  and  for  this  reason 


I 


248  ^IissiONARiES  Sent  From  Santa  Fe  to  Arizoxa, 

the  start  from  this  place  was  effected  early  the  next  mornmg  in 
order  to  reach  the  San  Pedro  river  so  much  sooner.  At  the 
crossing  of  the  river  there  was  a  small  adobe  house,  used  at 
times  by  a  picket  of  soldiers,  and  when  vacant  by  travelers,  who 
could  spend  a  few  hours  in  the  shade  of  its  roof.  The  same 
place  has  become  one  of  the  S.  P.  R.  R.  stations,  taking  the 
name  of  Benson.  From  there  starts  a  branch  of  the  A.  T.  R. 
R.  for  Sonora,  Mexico. 

As  there  were  grass  and  water,  the  animals  were  given  a 
good  rest,  as  also  at  Cienega  de  los  Pimas,  about  thirtA'-two 
miles  from  San  Pedro.  Cienega  is  now  another  station  of  the 
S.  P.  R.  R. ,  and  is  known  b3'  the  name  of  Pantano,  which, 
like  Cienega,  means  a  swampy  place.  It  is  at  Cienega  that  the 
missionaries  saw  for  the  first  time  the  "Sahuaro"  or  Giant 
Cactus,  which  grows  very  abundantlj^  in  all  the  Southern  part 
of  Arizona.  In  fact,  from  the  Dragoon  Mountain  going  to  the 
San  Pedro  river,  there  could  be  noticed  a  change  of  flora  in 
the  country.  The  Mesquite,  Prosopis  Juliflora,  which  in  the 
Southern  part  of  New  Mexico  very  seldom  leaves  the  shape  of 
a  scrubby  small  tree,  was  seen  a  robust  large  tree  in  the  valley 
of  Cienega  de  los  Pimas.  On  the  dry  rocky  hills,  which  bor- 
dered the  valle)^  appeared  here  and  there,  the  "Ocotillo," 
Touqueria  Splendens,  consisting  of  a  number  of  thorn  j-  branches 
from  six  to  ten  feet  high,  without  any  leaves,  except  in  March, 
when  its  tops  are  ornamented  with  pinnacles  of  very  brilliant 
red  flowers.  Here  and  there  appears  also  the  "Palo  Verde," 
Cercidium  Floridum,  and  ever3^where  a  large  quantity  of  varied 
low  cacti  and  yucas. 

From  Cienega,  on  the  6th  day  of  Februar^^  the  march  was 
resumed  only  for  thirteen  miles  through  a  bad  canon  of  about 
five  miles,  where  a  few  weeks  before,  a  traveling  German  family 
had  been  killed  b}^  the  Apaches. 

The  next  day,  February  7th,  at  about  10  a.  m.,  the  cara- 
van reached  Tucson.  The  soldiers  went  to  the  military'  post  of 
the  town,  and  the  missionaries  left  their  wagon  and  horses  in 
charge  of  their  servant,  at  some  distance  from  the  houses,  until 
they  should  ascertain  where  they  could  stop.  They  called  on 
W.  S.  Oury,  for  whom  they  had  a  letter  of  recommendation 
from  the  Bishop  of  Santa  Fe.     This  gentleman  had  no  room  to 


1 


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CHAPTER  IX. 
The  Missionaries  Commence  Their  Work  in  Arizona. 

On  their  arrival  at  Tucson,  the  priests  sent  from  Santa  Fe 
took  their  destinations  according  to  what  had  been  determined 
by  their  Bishop,  Right  Rev.  J.  B.  Lamy.  The  Rev.  J.  B.  Sal- 
pointe  had  been  sent  as  parish  priest  of  Tucson,  with  the  facul- 
ties of  Vicar  Forane  for  the  Territory ;  the  Rev.  Francis 
Boucard,  as  assistant  priest  of  Tucson,  and  the  Rev.  Patrick 
Birmingham  as  parish  priest  of  Gila  City,  whose  name  has  been 
changed  since  into  that  of  Yuma.  After  a  couple  of  weeks 
spent  in  Tucson,  the  Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe  started  for  Yuma  in 
order  to  put  Father  Birmingham  in  possession  of  the  parish  as- 
signed to  him  by  the  Bishop.  Meanwhile  Rev.  Boucard  re- 
mained in  Tucson,  having  at  the  same  time,  to  attend  to  the 
San  Xavier  Mission.  The  journey  to  Yuma  was  made  on 
horseback,  and  mostly  by  night,  in  order  to  avoid  the  heat 
of  the  day.  The  distance  was  300  miles.  At  about  eighty 
miles  from  Tucson  were  seen  numerous  small  villages  of  the 
Pima  Indians,  at  a  short  distance  from  the  Gila  river. 

In  1866  Tucson  numbered  about  six  hundred  inhabitants, 
almost  all  Mexicans.  There  was  no  other  church  but  the  small 
house  spoken  of  before,  which  Father  Machebeuf  had  used  as  a 
chapel  at  the  time  of  his  visit  to  Arizona  in  1859.  As  already 
stated  also,  a  church  had  been  commenced  in  the  town  by 
Father  Donate  Reghieri.  The  two  Jesuit  Fathers  who  suc- 
ceeded this  priest  had  some  work  done  on  the  same  building, 
but  left  it  unfinished,  the  walls  being  only  eight  or  nine  feet 


MissioxARiES  IN  Arizoxa.  251 

high.  The  first  care  of  the  priest  recently-  put  in  charge  of  the 
parish  was  to  see  how  he  could  have  the  church  completed. 
He  found  in  the  inhabitants  a  truly  good  disposition  to  help 
him  in  this  work.  Contributions  w^ere  asked  again  and  again, 
and  what  they  brought  was  enough  to  have  the  walls  of  the 
structure  raised  to  a  suitable  height.  This  was  only  the  easiest 
part  of  the  work.  The  real  difficulty  consisted  in  providing 
the  building  with  a  roof,  and  to  think  of  purchasing  the  neces- 
sary quantity  of  lumber  at  25  cents  a  foot,  would  have  been 
simply  thinking  of  an  impossibility,  as  the  people  had  already 
overtaxed  themselves  for  the  building  of  the  walls. 

At  the  request  of  the  priest  a  few  men  volunteered  to  go 
with  their  wagons  to  the  Santa  Rita  mountain,  about  twenty- 
five  miles  southeast  of  Tucson,  to  ascertain  whether  good  tim- 
ber could  be  had  from  there  or  not.  On  the  appointed  day, 
five  men,  having  the  parish  priest  at  their  head,  started  for  the 
mountain.  The  next  day,  they  reached  as  far  as  the  road 
would  permit,  and  from  this  point  it  could  be  seen  that  there 
were  plenty  of  good  pine  trees,  but  all  far  up  on  the  tops  of 
the  peaks,  and  no  practicable  way  could  be  found  to  bring 
them  down  to  where  they  could  be  loaded  on  the  wagons.  For 
this  reason  the  expedition  failed  almost  entirely,  though  it  was 
thought  that  another  trial,  with  a  suitable  force  of  men,  might 
prove  successful.  The  wagons  were  loaded  with  whatever 
pieces  of  lumber  could  be  cut  in  the  vicinity  of  the  camp,  and 
the  party  moved  at  once  for  the  return  to  Tucson.  After  con- 
sideration, the  project  of  a  new  attempt  in  the  Santa  Rita  moun- 
tain had  to  be  abandoned,  as  it  would  be  too  expensive  to  build 
practicable  roads. 

In  the  meantime,  the  warm  season  had  broken  out,  and  it 
was  felt  that  the  house  thus  far  used  as  a  church,  was  untena- 
ble during  the  holy  offices.  It  became  then  necessary'  to  have 
a  kind  of  temporary  roof  laid  on  the  sanctuary  of  the  new 
church,  so  that  masses  could  be  said  early  on  Sundays  with 
more  comfort  for  the  priests  and  for  the  faithful. 

On  his  return  from  Gila  City  the  Rev.  Salpointe  went  to 
San  Xavier  to  install  Mr.  Vincent  in  the  functions  of  teacher 
for  the  Papago  Indians.  The  school  lasted  only  a  few  months, 
owing  to  the  carelessness  of  the  Indians  in  regards  to  the  edu- 


252  Mission  ARIES  in  Arizona. 

cation  of  their  children.  The  teacher  was  then  removed  to 
Tucson,  where  there  appeared  better  prospects  for  a  good  school. 
Indeed,  Mr.  Vincent  found  there  pupils  enough  to  occup3^  his 
time.  The  onty  difficulty  was  that  the  school  had  to  be  taught, 
for  a  time,  in  the  priests'  house,  which  consisted  of  but  one 
room  15  b)'  22  feet  and  a  little  alcove.  For  about  six  months 
the  room  had  to  be  used  alternately  as  parlor  and  school  room, 
and  sometimes  as  dormitor^^  when  the  weather  did  not  allow 
sleeping  out  doors.  The  furniture  of  the  priests'  house  com- 
prised three  chairs,  a  writing  table  and  a  pigeon  hole  case  for 
papers,  the  w'hole  of  which  had  been  left  in  care  of  W.  S.  Our^^ 
by  Father  Bosco,  for  his  successors.  The  bedding  articles  of 
the  missionaries  were  as  3'et  the  blankets  they  had  brought  for 
camping  out,  and  these  could  be  easily  rolled  up  and  placed  in 
the  alcove  for  the  day  time. 

Four  months  had  elapsed  since  Rev.  Birmingham  had  been 
stationed  at  Gila  City  and  nothing  had  been  heard  of  him. 
The  lack  of  a  regular  mail  service  was  thought  to  be  the  explana- 
tion of  this  protracted  silence  ;  but  at  last,  news  came  that  the 
priest  had  left  his  mission  on  account  of  sickness  and  gone  to 
California  in  order  to  improve  his  health.  This  was  a  reason 
for  the  Rev.  Salpointe  to  look  for  the  first  opportunity  of  a 
caravan  and  to  start  for  Gila  Citj^  leaving,  as  before,  the  Rev. 
Boucard  in  charge  of  Tucson  and  of  San  Xavier.  He  reached 
the  mission  on  Sunday  morning  after  seven  days  of  travel, 
mostly  on  horseback.  He  said  mass  and  preached  as  usual, 
but  felt  sick  in  the  afternoon  with  chills  and  fever,  a  disease 
which  verj'  likely  he  had  brought  from  Tucson,  where  it  pre- 
vailed, and  which  kept  him  four  months  in  the  localit5\  Dur- 
ing this  length  of  time,  the  priest  was  given  hospitalit}^  and  all 
possible  care  in  the  house  of  Joseph  M.  Redondo,  one  of  the 
principal  citizens  of  the  place.  The  missionary-  thought  seri- 
ously that  he  could  not  get  over  the  sickness,  which  was  in- 
creasing in  him  every  day,  and  had  no  desire  but  an  opportun- 
ity for  making  his  confession  and  receiving  the  last  sacraments 
of  the  Church  before  departing  from  this  world  ;  but  he  could 
not  even  entertain  any  hope  for  such  a  blessing,  as  he  was  sepa- 
rated from  all  priests  by  300  miles  of  dangerous  roads,  almost 
without  communications. 


Missionaries  ix  Arizona.  253 

At  last  the  fever  subsided,  and  after  a  short  convalescence, 
the  priest  was  able  to  leave  on  horseback  for  a  visit  to  L,a  Paz, 
an  inhabited  place  about  75  miles  above  Gila  City,  on  the 
Colorado  river.  During  his  stay  at  Gila  City  the  Rev. 
Salpointe  had  a  flat  roof  put  on  a  small  chapel,  the  walls  of 
which  had  been  built  by  the  people  at  the  request  and  under 
the  direction  of  the  Rev.  Birmingham.  The  population  of 
this  localit}^  was  about  1,000  inhabitants;  the  town  owed  its 
start  to  the  discover^'  of  gold  placers  made  in  May  1854  at 
Laguna  and  at  Picacho,  fifteen  and  twenty  miles  respectively 
from  the  town.  The  first  settlers  of  this  part  of  the  countrj^ 
after  the  discovery  of  the  placers,  were  the  Redondo  and  the 
Contreras  families,  who  had  already  worked  in  the  California 
mines. 

La  Paz,  which  was  founded  at  about  the  same  time  as 
Gila  Cit}',  counted  in  1866  a  little  over  400  inhabitants.  It  had 
been  a  prosperous  mining  town,  but,  at  the  date  just  mentioned, 
the  mines  and  placers  were  exhausted,  and  the  people  who 
remained  there  yet  had  to  depend  for  their  living  mostly  on 
cattle  raising  and  cutting  wood  for  the  steam  boats,  which  ran 
on  the  Colorado  by  the  place,  down  to  the  Gulf  of  California. 

In  1867  was  commenced,  on  the  church  block  at  Tuc- 
son, a  school  house  which  was  to  be  occupied  bj'  the  Sisters 
of  St.  Joseph.  This  building,  as  far  as  the  walls  were  concerned, 
was  put  up  in  a  short  time  with  no  more  difficulty  than 
for  the  walls  of  the  church.  Everyone  contributed  willingly 
either  money  or  work  for  the  school,  as  they  had  done  for  the 
church.  But  the  trouble  was,  as  for  the  church,  to  find  means 
for  the  roofing  of  the  house.  Here,  however,  the  church  was 
greatly  benefited  by  the  school,  as  the  inhabitants,  irrespective 
of  religious  convictions,  were  all  desirous  of  having  the  Sisters' 
school  started  as  soon  as  possible.  Nobody  objected  to  the  taking 
up  of  a  new  collection  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  lumber  for 
the  covering  of  church  and  school.  This  work  was  entrusted 
to  a  gang  of  eighteen  men,  who,  for  a  stated  price  took  on 
themselves  to  go  to  the  mountain  and  cut  the  necessary  lumber 
wherever  they  could  find  it. 

The  lumber  was  prepared  in  the  Huachuca  mountain,  about 
eighty  miles  from  Tucson,  where  there  was  an  easier  access  to 


254  Missionaries  in  Arizona. 

the  pine  woods  than  there  was  at  Santa  Rita.  But,  as  a  proof 
that  the  works  of  God  must  be  tried  in  many  different  ways 
before  success  can  be  reached  for  them,  there  also  arose  an- 
other trouble.  The  lumber  was  ready,  but  wagons  could  not 
be  easil}^  procured  to  send  at  once  for  it,  and  the  Apaches 
were  only  waiting  for  the  departure  of  the  workmen  from  their 
camp  to  burn  the  lumber  that  had  been  prepared.  It  became 
then  necessary  to  look  for  wagons,  and  to  send  them  before  the 
coming  of  the  workmen,  to  move  the  lumber  a  distance  of 
twelve  or  fifteen  miles  to  Camp  Wallen,  where  it  would  be  put 
under  the  care  of  the  soldiers  until  some  good  opportunity  could 
be  found  to  have  it  brought  to  Tucson.  This  opportunity  was 
offered  by  the  firm  of  Tully  &  Ochoa,  as  soon  as  they  had  to 
carry  provisions  to  Camp  Wallen.  The  so  long  wished  for 
material  was  at  last  brought  to  Tucson  towards  the  end  of  1868 
and  delivered,  free  of  charge,  where  it  was  needed.  The  church 
was  covered  first ;  as  for  the  school,  the  Sisters  who  were  to 
take  charge  of  it  could  not  come  before  May,  1870,  and  this 
delay  gave  plenty  of  time  to  complete  their  house  before  their 
commg. 


CHAPTER  X. 

What  Means  of  Support  Had  the  Priests  in  Arizona  ? 

The  life  of  the  priests  in  Arizona,  for  some  3'ears  from 
1866,  was  one  of  hard  work  and  privation.  The  frequent  and 
long  journeA'S  in  a  country  infested  by  wild  Indians  made  it 
dangerous  for  them  even  to  go  a  few  miles  out  of  their  resi- 
dence. Whenever  the  mail  came  in,  it  brought  invaria- 
bly the  news  of  people  having  been  murdered  here  or  there 
by  the  Apaches,  so  that,  when  a  journey  had  to  be  undertaken, 
one  would  think  of  it  for  days  and  weeks  in  advance,  fearing 
that  he  might  not  come  back  to  his  home.  This  was  expressed 
by  a  missionarj'  who  used  to  saj^ :  '  'When  I  have  to  leave  my 
house  for  a  visit  to  the  distant  settlements  of  my  missions,  I 
write  to  my  mother  as  if  it  were  for  the  last  time. ' ' 

Speaking  for  himself,  the  writer  of  these  notes,  who,  dur- 
ing the  nineteen  3'ears  he  spent  in  Arizona,  had  to  travel  in  all 
directions  through  the  Territory',  alwa)"S  experienced  a  kind  of 
painful  apprehension  for  a  few  da^'s  before  starting  on  a  long 
journey  ;  though  he  must  say,  he  had  never  an}-  trouble  from 
the  Indians  in  Arizona.  He  saw  their  tracks  on  the  roads  ; 
he  was  told  once  by  a  mail  carrier  that  he  (the  missionary')  had 
been  followed  bj'  the  Apaches  two  nights  and  one  day,  but  was 
not  attacked,  ver^'  likely  because  he  was  known  to  the  savages, 
who  did  not  wish  to  kill  him,  but  were  looking  for  an  oppor- 
tunity to  steal  his  horses  without  being  noticed.  Other  mis- 
sionaries, and  especialty  Rev.  Boucard,  found  themselves  in 
great  danger  ;  still  none  of  them  had  to  suffer  by  it  since  1866. 


256  What  Support  Had  the  Arizona  Priests  ? 

Indeed  they  must  acknowledge  that  there  has  been  a  special 
Providence  watching  over  them. 

At  home  the  priests  were  safe  as  regards  attacks  from  the 
Apache  Indians,  but  thej^  had  sometimes  to  fight  against  pov- 
erty. The  country  was  ver)^  sparseh' settled,  poor,  and  desola- 
ted by  the  incessant  raids  of  the  savages,  and  in  man}^  localities, 
by  the  scourging  shaking  fever. 

This  disease  was  not  new  in  the  country  ;  it  was  mentioned 
in  1762  b}^  the  author  of  the  "Rudo  Ensa^'o"  under  the  name 
of  the  "vomito  amarillo, "  3^ellow  vomit,  as  the  plague  of  the 
province  of  Sonora,  except  along  the  Gila  and  Colorado  rivers. 
This,  says  the  same  missionary',  must  not  be  assigned  to  the 
climate,  which  is  dry  and  good,  "but  to  the  bad  condition  of 
the  water  the  inhabitants  had  to  make  use  of  for  drinking  pur- 
poses, which  comes  generally  from  swampj'  places  and  runs  by 
shady  bottom  lands  where  it  must  take  noxious  substances." 
Against  the  disease  Father  Och  used  with  success  the  bark  of 
the  orange  tree  made  dust  and  taken  in  a  cup  of  "atole,"  or 
corn  meal. 

This  disease,  or  the  shaking  fever  as  it  was  called  later, 
was  brought  and  propagated  into  Arizona  in  1866  by  the  com- 
ing from  Sonora  of  many  poor  people  who  fled  from  their  coun- 
try on  account  of  the  war  after  the  intervention  of  France.  The 
places  which  suffered  most  from  this  fever  were  Tucson, 
San  Xavier,  Tubac  and  the  San  Pedro  settlements.  From 
1869  the  plague  abated  sensibly,  so  that  in  1870  there  were  only 
some  scattered  cases  of  it.  It  is  useless  to  say  that  during  the 
three  5'ears  of  the  disease,  the  work  of  the  priests  was  almost 
incessant,  either  for  sick  calls  or  for  accompanj'ing  the  dead  to 
the  graveyard. 

The  people  were  generally  inclined  to  help  their  priests, 
but  knowing  the  circumstances  in  which  they  were,  the  mis- 
sionaries refrained  from  asking  anj'thing  for  themselves,  except 
when  it  was  absolutely  necessary.  Those  located  at  Tucson 
had  for  two  years  to  depend  for  their  personal  expenses  mostly 
on  what  they  had  saved  of  the  money  they  had  received  from 
their  Bishop  for  their  journey  to  Arizona.  It  must  be  said, 
though,  that  these  priests  were  not  extravagant  in  their  way  of 
living.     Very  often  they  cooked  for  themselves  ;  for  beds  they 


What  Support  Had  the  Arizona  Priests  ?  257 

had  the  clay  floor  of  their  room  or  of  the  3'ard,  and  the  blankets 
they  had  brought  from  New  Mexico.  When  they  had  to  visit 
the  scattered  settlements,  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  wait  until 
some  other  people  would  have  to  travel  in  the  same  direction, 
as  they  could  not  afford,  many  times,  to  hire  a  man  to  accom- 
pany them.  The  scarcity  of  material  resources  was  felt  espe- 
cialty,  even  later,  by  the  priests  who  had  to  start  new  missions. 

In  1866  the  Bishop  of  Santa  Fe,  after  the  Second  Plenary 
Council  of  Baltimore,  started  from  that  city  with  his  secretary 
Rev.  J.  M.  Coudert,  for  a  journey  to  Rome.  There  he  had  an 
interview  with  the  General  Prefect  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Rev. 
Father  Beckx,  and  obtained  from  him  three  Fathers  and  two 
Brothers  for  the  missions  of  New  Mexico.  These  were  Fathers 
Livio  Viligante,  Rafael  Bianchi  and  Conato  AI.  Gaspari ;  Broth- 
ers Prisco  Casso  and  Rafael  Vezza.  The  Bishop  brought  at  the 
same  time  some  secular  priests  and  students  for  the  priesthood 
from  Europe.  He  took  also  some  Sisters  of  L,oretto  from  Ken- 
tucky for  the  house  of  Santa  Fe. 

The  Bishop  looked  for  a  good  caravan  before  attempting 
to  cross  the  plains  of  Kansas,  because  it  was  known  that  several 
parties  of  hostile  Indians  were  along  the  road.  Before  long  he 
found  one,  strong  enough  in  appearance,  to  stand  all  attacks 
from  the  Indians.  In  fact,  for  a  number  of  days  the  journey 
was  effected  without  any  trouble,  though  some  Indians  with 
signs  of  hostilit3%  could  be  seen  at  times,  not  far  from  the  road. 
Meantime  news  reached  the  caravan  that  another  traveling 
party,  some  distance  ahead,  had  been  attacked  and  had  suffered 
a  pretty  heavy  loss  at  the  hands  of  the  roaming  savages.  On 
the  2 2d  of  July  1867,  the  caravan  arrived  at  the  crossing  of  the 
Arkansas  river,  where  it  was  surrounded  by  a  great  number  of 
Indians  and  had  to  resist  their  attack.  Fortunately  the  wagons 
were  yet  moving  and  could  be  arranged  so  as  to  form  a  '  'corral, 
or  enclosure  in  which  men  and  animals  could  be  protected. 

The  Comanche  Indians,  as  customars'  with  them,  did  not 
rush  on  the  camp,  but  ran  swiftly  around  in  a  line  one  after 
the  other,  shooting  at  the  same  time  as  closely  as  they  could. 
As  a  matter  of  course,  the  compliment  was  duly  returned  by 
the  men  of  the  caravan,  who  were  better  supplied  than  their 
aggressors  with  guns  of  precision  and  far  reaching  range.     Dur- 


258  What  Support  Had  the  Arizoxa  Priests  ? 

ing  the  fight,  which  lasted  about  three  hours,  the  Sisters  were 
in  a  wagon,  pra3''ing  and  taking  care  of  one  of  their  number 
who  had  been  for  some  daj^s  before  too  sick  to  notice  what  was 
going  on.  The  Indians  roamed  for  some  time  around  the  camp, 
but  at  last  went  back,  when  they  saw  that  they  could  not  have 
the  advantage.  The  sick  Sister  died  on  the  24th,  after  the 
crossing  of  the  Arkansas  river,  and  was  buried  on  the  evening 
of  the  same  daj^  as  it  was  impossible  to  take  her  remains  to 
Santa  Fe. 

On  their  arrival  at  Santa  Fe,  the  Jesuit  Fathers  were  given 
for  their  residence  BernaHUo,  which  was  considered  one  of  the 
best  parishes  in  the  diocese,  but  they  remained  there  only  until 
1869,  when  they  obtained  the  Bishop's  consent  to  exchange 
Bernalillo  for  Albuquerque,  where  they  have  resided  since. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Territory  of  Arizona  Made  a  Vicariate  Apostoi^ic. 

In  1868,  September  25th,  the  Territory  of  Arizona  was  made 
a  Vicariate  Apostolic.  The  Bishop-elect,  Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe, 
determined  to  go  to  Europe  for  his  episcopal  consecration,  and 
had  in  view,  at  the  same  time,  to  look  for  some  missionaries,  so 
badly  needed  in  the  missions  which  were  assigned  to  him.  As 
stated  before,  there  was  only  another  priest,  the  Rev.  F. 
Jouvenceau,  who  resided  at  Gila  City.  This  was  the  reason 
why  the  Bishop-elect  had  to  postpone  his  journey  to  Europe, 
until  he  could  secure  another  priest  who  would  remain  in 
Arizona  with  Rev.  Jouvenceau  during  his  absence.  Early  in 
1869  he  received  one  from  New  Mexico,  the  Rev.  Francis 
Eestra,  whom  he  sent  to  Gila  Cit}'  in  the  stead  of  Rev. 
Jouvenceau,  called  to  take  charge  of  the  parish  of  Tucson. 

The  Bishop-elect  was  then  read}''  to  start  on  his  journey. 
He  went  from  Tucson  to  Eas  Cruces,  where  he  met  the  Right 
Rev.  Bishop  Eamy,  who  was  there  engaged  on  a  pastoral 
visitation,  and  who  took  him  to  Santa  Fe  in  his  carriage.  From 
Santa  Fe  he  went  by  stage  to  Sheridan,  on  the  plains,  then  the 
western  terminus  of  the  A.  T.  R.  R.  Staging  was,  in  one  way, 
preferable  to  the  slow  moving  caravans,  as  it  saved  time  ;  but 
to  endure  its  jerkings  for  seven  consecutive  da3's  and 
nights  was  rather  trjdng  even  on  strong  constitutions.  The 
next  day  the  travelers  took  the  cars  and  no  longer  remembered 
their  past  fatigue. 

On  his  arrival  in  France,  the  Bishop-elect  went  directly  to 
the  Bishop  of  his  native  diocese,  the  Right  Rev.  and  Venerable 


260  Akizoxa  3Iade  a  Vic.vriate  Apostolic. 

Louis  C.  Feron,  Bishop  of  Clermont  Ferrand,  to  ask  him  to  be 
his  cotisecrator.  The  in\'itation  was  prompted  by  a  sense  of 
gratitude  on  the  part  of  the  Bishop-elect,  as  he  had  received 
the  sacrament  of  confirmation  and  all  the  sacred  orders  fromi 
Monseigneur  Feron,  and  the  Prelate  accepted  it  as  a  great 
honor.  The  day  selected  for  the  ceremony  was  the  20th  of 
June,  which  was  Sunday.  The  assistant  Bishops  were  Right 
Rev.  Lebreton,  Bishop  of  Le  Puy,  France,  and  Right  Rev.  Du- 
buis,  Bishop  of  Galveston.  Texas.  There  is  no  need  to  say 
that  after  the  religious  celebration,  good  Bishop  Feron  had  a 
grand  dinner  at  which  assisted  all  the  ecclesiastical,  ci\-il  and 
military'  dignitaries  of  the  city. 

The  newly  consecrated  Bishop,  ha\-ing  enjoyed  the  hospital- 
its'  of  the  Bishop  of  Clermont  at  different  times  during  his  stay  in 
Europe,  had  spoken  of  the  scarcity  of  priests  in  his  missions. 
After  his  consecration  he  told  his  consecrator  that  six  seminar- 
ians of  the  diocese  had  volunteered  for  the  far  awaj'  missions 
of  Arizona,  pro\nded  the  Bishop  would  not  oppose  the  project. 
Indeed  the  venerable  Prelate  was  too  much  of  a  gentleman  to 
oppose  the  project  in  which  his  honored  guest  was  interested 
and  he  gave  his  consent  at  once. 

Ha\-ing  secured  these  subjects,  the  \'icar  Apostolic  left 
them  in  the  seminan,'  at  their  studies  until  he  should  come  back 
from  his  visit  "ad  limina  Apostolorum. "  He  had  the  pleasure 
of  making  his  journey  to  Rome  with  the  \'icar  ApostoUc  of 
Colorado,  Right  Rev.  J.  P.  Machebeuf,  who  had  just  arrived  in 
France,  also  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  priests  for  his  mis- 
sions. The}-  asked  a  common  audience  from  Pope  Pius  IX., 
who  received  them  kindly,  and  inquired  about  the  extent 
of  the  territor\-,  the  population,  and  many  things  concerning 
religion  in  the  new  Vicariates.  In  the  same  audience  the  Holy 
Father,  ha\-ing  been  apprised  of  the  scarcity*  of  priests  in 
Arizona  as  in  Colorado,  ver\'  wiUingly  dispensed  the  two  new 
Bishops  from  the  obligation  of  remaining  in  Rome  for  the 
Vatican  Council. 

It  was  not  until  the  end  of  1S69  that  Bishop  Salpointe 
could  leave  France  with  his  six  missionaries  from  Clermont  Fer- 
rand. These  were :  the  Revds.  Peter  Bourgade,  now  the 
Bishop    of    Tucson    diocese,    Anthony    Jouvenceau,    Agustin 


Arizon-a  Made  a  Vicariate  Apostolic.  261 

Morin,  Agustiti  Baraard,  John  Chaucot  and  Andrew  Escallier. 
At  the  same  time  Rev.  Peter  Lassaigne  came  from  New  Mexico, 
with  permission  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority',  to  join  the  clergy 
of  Arizona.  The  Vicar  Apostolic  had  been  absent  about  eleven 
months  when  he  returned  to  Tucson  in  January  1870.  During 
his  absence  the  parish  priest  of  Tucson,  Rev.  F.  X.  Jouvenceau, 
had  the  Sisters'  school-house  roofed  and  plastered  inside,  and 
another  house,  for  a  bo^-s'  school,  built  on  a  good  corner 
lot,  which  he  had  purchased  near  the  church.  Rev.  F.  X. 
Jouvenceau,  who  is  now  the  chaplain  of  St.  Mar\-'s  hospital 
and  Orphan  As^-lum  of  Tucson,  has  been  always  a  great  worker 
and  has  effected  much  good  in  Arizona  as  he  had  done  before 
at  Sapello  in  New  Mexico.  It  was  in  1869  that,  while  in 
France,  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona  procured  for  the  Bishop 
of  Santa  Fe  the  architect  P.  Monly,  who  came  to  New  Mexico 
with  some  experienced  stone  cutters  to  begin  building  the 
cathedral  of  Santa  Fe.  As  Bishop  Lamy  had  made  it  a  rule 
not  to  spend  for  his  church  more  than  what  he  could  get  every 
year,  either  from  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith  or  from  contri- 
butions collected  in  the  diocese,  the  work  of  building  this 
church,  unfinished  as  it  was  left,  was  interrupted  several  times, 
until  in  1885  it  was  entirety  stopped  for  want  of  means  to  com- 
plete it.  The  structure,  built  entireh*  with  dressed  stone  in 
the  pure  Roman  st3'le,  lacks  the  cupola,  the  sanctuary'  and 
chapels,  as  also  the  top  of  the  towers ;  still  it  is  used  for  di\4ne 
sen-ices  and  proves  to  be  large  enough  to  accommodate  the 
present  Catholic  population  of  the  cit\-, 

The  Vicariate  of  Arizona  at  the  time  of  its  creation  com- 
prised the  Territorj'  of  that  name  and  the  parish  of  Las  Cruces 
in  New  Mexico.  Soon  after  the  parish  of  Mesilla,  also  in  New 
Mexico,  and  those  of  Isleta  and  San  Elzeario  of  El  Paso 
Counts',  Texas,  were  added  to  the  Vicariate  by  decision  of  the 
Holy  See.  These  parishes,  with  the  exception  of  Las  Cruces, 
had  been  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  of  Durango.  Mexico. 
The  Decree  ordering  the  change  had  come  from  Rome  to  the 
Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona,  but  nothing  was  heard  from  Durango 
to  make  it  effective.  After  waiting  several  months,  the  Vicar 
started  for  Durango  in  order  to  settle  the  matter  with  the  Bishop 
of  that  city.     His  Lordship  happened  to  be  absent  for  an  in- 


262  Arizona  Made  a  Vicariate  Apostolic. 

definite  length  of  time  over  400  miles  from  his  residence  and, 
owing  to  the  difficult}^  of  traveling  in  Mexico,  and  the  lack  of 
regular  facilities  of  communication  b^'mail,  the  journey  became 
of  no  avail.  The  Vicar  Apostolic  returned  to  his  missions, 
thinking  that  the  Mexican  Prelate  would  find  the  papers  from 
Rome  on  his  coming  back  to  Durango,  and  dismiss  the  parishes 
mentioned  in  the  Pontifical  Decree. 

In  the  meantime  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona  stopped  at 
Las  Cruces,  where  he  expected  the  Sisters  of  Loretto  for  the 
opening  of  a  school  in  that  town.  The  school  was  started  in  a 
rented  house,  which  very  soon  proved  too  small  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  number  of  pupils  attending.  It  then 
became  necessary'  to  look  for  another  property.  The  best  that 
could  be  found  had  not  the  required  buildings  but  admitted  of 
easy  alterations  for  the  purpose  in  view.  It  was  bought  by  the 
Vicar  Apostolic,  and  it  is  on  it  that  little  by  little,  the  Sisters 
have  built  a  large  house,  one  of  the  best  in  the  town. 

In  the  same  year  1870,  Tularosa  w^as  made  the  center  of  a 
parish,  with  Rev.  P.  Lassaigne  as  its  pastor.  The  Rev.  priest 
succeeded  in  a  few  years  in  building  there  a  good  church  and 
a  pastoral  residence. 

On  Ascension  day  of  the  same  3^ear,  the  Sisters  of  St. 
Joseph,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  clerg}'  and  citizens  of 
Tucson,  arrived  at  that  place,  to  open  a  school  in  the  house 
that  had  been  built  for  them  near  the  church,  as  stated  before. 
From  the  beginning  the  Sisters  made  their  school  a  success,  as  it 
was  largely  attended,  and  justty  appreciated  b}-  eveiy^body. 
The  day  these  pious  and  devoted  ladies  came  to  Tucson  was 
considered  with  reason,  by  all  the  friends  of  education  and 
civilization,  as  the  opening  of  a  new  era  for  Arizona.  Indeed, 
it  has  been  easy  for  any  impartial  observer  to  notice  the  change 
for  the  better  that  has  been  brought  about  gradual^  in  the 
country  by  their  teachings  and  example. 

As  the  Vicar  Apostolic  did  not  receive  any  letters  from  the 
Bishop  of  Durango  in  regard  to  the  decree  of  Rome  enlarging 
the  limits  of  his  Vicariate,  he  set  out  in  1871  for  a  second 
journey  to  Durango,  but  again  with  no  avail,  as  the  Bishop  had 
received  no  direct  information  from  the  Holy  See  on  the  matter. 
A  few  months  later,  however,  the  Mexican   Prelate  wrote  that 


Arizona  Made  a  Vicariate  Apostolic.  263 

the  pontifical  decree  had  been  received  at  last,  and  transferred 
the  jurisdiction  over  the  parishes  already  mentioned  to  the  Vicar 
Apostolic  of  Arizona  toward  the  end  of  the  year. 

It  was  prett3^  hard  on  the  Vicar  Apostolic  to  have  to  go 
twice  to  Durango  to  make  good  the  limits  of  his  jurisdiction, 
and  to  keep  in  the  meantime  almost  tnioccupied  some  of  the 
missionaries  he  had  brought  from  France  the  j'ear  before. 
Still  he  could  not  actually  blame  the  Bishop  of  Durango,  who, 
owing  to  the  revolution  which  then  existed  in  Mexico  and 
stopped  all  mail  communications,  had  not  received  the  letters 
from  Rome.  There  were  at  that  time  neither  railroads  nor 
public  stages  running  from  Arizona  or  New  Mexico  to  the  in- 
terior of  the  Mexican  Republic.  The  only  way  to  travel  was 
on  horseback  or  in  private  conveyances.  The  country  was 
sparsely  settled,  and  dangerous  to  go  through  on  account  of  the 
two  political  parties  then  at  war  against  each  other,  and  roam- 
ing in  bands,  here  and  there  around  the  settlements  or  ranches, 
rather  in  search  of  something  to  eat  than  of  their  foes. 

The  Vicar  Apostolic  made  his  two  journeys,  about  3,200 
miles,  going  and  returning,  in  company  with  one  of  his  priests 
and  a  servant.  It  seemed  to  many  Mexican  people  that  it  was 
not  safe  to  travel  with  so  small  a  number  ;  still  the  travelers, 
though  scared  enough  on  two  occasions,  went  through  without 
any  accident.  Their  means  of  transportation  consisted  of  a 
buggy  for  the  Bishop  and  his  priest,  and  a  light  spring  wagon 
to  carry  the  little  baggage  and  the  victuals.  No  need  to  sa}^ 
that  they  had  to  cook  for  themselves  and  to  camp  out  the  most 
of  the  nights.  At  some  places,  if  they  happened  to  meet  the 
landlord,  "Dueno  de  Hacienda,"  they  were  invariably  treated 
as  Senores,  and  sometimes  with  attentions  which  were  onerous 
as  they  obliged  them  to  retard  their  progress.  The  round  trip, 
for  each  time,  required  fifty  days  for  traveling  alone. 

The  priests  who  were  assigned  to  the  parishes  taken  from 
the  diocese  of  Durango  were  :  Rev.  Agustin  Morin,  sent  to  La 
Messilla,  and  Rev.  Ruellan,  a  priest  who  had  lately  come  from 
Denver,  to  Isleta  with  charge  of  San  Elzeario,  both  in  El  Paso 
County,  Texas. 

In  1873  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona  bought  at  Las 
Cruces  a  house  in  which  he  established  a  parochial  school  for 


264  Arizona  Made  a  Vicariate  Apostolic. 

bo3's  under  the  direction  of  a  priest,  the  Rev.  N.  Dommergue, 
with  a  lay  teacher,  Dn.  Clemente  Ortiz.  The  house  was  after- 
wards considerably  enlarged  with  the  view  of  making  it  a  col- 
lege for  boarders,  but  it  was  almost  entirely  destroyed  by  a 
waterspout  flood  in  1875.  The  Vicar  Apostolic  lost  at  the  same 
time  a  number  of  books  which  he  had  in  the  school  house  for 
his  own  use  when  he  had  to  staj^  in  that  part  of  his  Vicariate. 

In  1S74,  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  were  called  by  Agent  R. 
Wilbur,  with  permission  from  the  Department  of  the  Interior, 
to  teach  a  school  at  San  Xavier  for  the  Papago  Indians.  This 
school,  which  at  the  beginning  had  to  be  taught  through  the 
medium  of  an  interpreter,  was  giving  surprising  results  when, 
on  the  ist  of  April,  1876,  it  was  closed  by  order  of  the  govern- 
ment owing  to  the  consoHdation  of  the  Papago  agency  with 
that  of  the  Pimas. 

In  1876,  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  founded  a  novitiate  of 
their  order  at  Mount  St.  Joseph,  near  Tucson.  In  a  few  years 
it  was  ascertained  that  the  number  of  vocations  for  the  religious 
life  in  this  countrj^  was  not  sufficient  to  justify  the  existence  of 
the  institution,  and  that  it  would  be  more  advantageous  to  send 
the  postulants  who  might  offer  themselves,  to  the  novitiate  of 
the  Mother  House  at  Carondelet,  South  St.  Louis,  for  their 
novitiate.  The  building  was  then  turned  to  the  use  of  the  in- 
valid Sisters  of  the  community,  as  a  retreat  for  rest.  Later  on, 
under  the  administration  of  the  Rt.  Rev.  P.  Bourgade,  the  ex- 
novitiate  property  has  been  made  an  orphan  asj'lum,  with  about 
thirty  children  cared  for  by  the  Sisters  at  their  own  expense. 
The  place  is  a  very  appropriate  one,  out  of  the  town,  and  very 
health^',  with  extensive  play  grounds  and  gardens,  and  what 
astonishes  the  visitors  is,  that  no  State  aid  whatever  is  furnished 
to  the  Sisters  to  extend  the  benefit  of  their  institution  and  of 
their  kind  attention  to  a  greater  number  of  poor  destitute  chil- 
dren . 

At  about  the  same  date  (1876),  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph 
opened  a  school  at  Yuma  in  a  good  house  built  in  that  town 
by  the  parish  priest.  Rev.  J.  Chaucot,  and  another  one  in  Pres- 
cott,  built  mostly  at  their  own  expense. 


CHAPTER  XIL 

Santa  Fe  Made  an  Archdiocese. 


By  decree  of  Pope  Pius  IXv  of  February  12,  1875,  Santa 
Fe  was  erected  into  a  Metropolitan  See,  and  Bishop  J.  B.  Lamy 
made  its  Archbishop,  with  the  Vicars  Apostolic  of  Colorado 
and  of  Arizona  as  suffragans.  The  Pallium  was  brought  to 
New  York  by  His  Excellence  Monsignore  Roncetti,  who  had 
been  delegated  by  the  Holy  Father  to  carry  the  cardinalistic 
insignia  to  the  Most  Rev.  Archbishop  of  New  York,  John  Mc 
Closkey,  recently  elevated  to  the  cardinalate.  As  the  illustrious 
Ablegate,  alread}'^  fatigued  by  his  long  journey  from  Rome,  did 
not  care  much  about  coming  to  Santa  Fe  to  invest  Archbishop 
Lamy  with  the  sacred  Pallium,  he  availed  himself  of  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona  in  New  York  to  subdel- 
egate  him^  with  permission  from  Rome  to  that  effect,  for  the 
Santa  Fe  ceremony.  This  took  place  on  the  i6th  of  June,  1875, 
in  the  house  of  the  Christian  Brothers,  St.  Michael's  College, 
where  better  accommodation  for  the  people  could  be  found 
than  in  the  old  St.  Francis'  Cathedral.  During  mass,  which 
was  celebrated  by  Bishop  Machebeuf,  two  short  addresses  were 
given,  one  by  the  Vicar  General,  Very  Rev.  Peter  Eguillon  in 
Spanish,  and  one  by  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Denver  in  English. 
Both  were  explanatory  of  the  ceremony  of  the  day,  and  were 
listened  to  with  great  satisfaction  by  the  large  congregation. 
When  the  time  came,  according  to  the  rubrics,  for  the  imposi- 
tion of  the  Pallium,  the  Archbishop,  kneeling  before  the  altar, 
had  it  placed  on  his  shoulders  while  the  proper  formula  was 


266  Santa  Fe  Made  an  Archdiocesit^ 

read   by   the  Vicar  Apostolic    of  Arizona,    delegated   for  t&e 
purpose. 

It  would  take  too  long  to  describe  the  order  of  the  proces- 
sions, either  before  or  after  the  ceremony  ;  the  different  Catho- 
lic associations,  the  Brothers'  and  Sisters'  schools  with  their 
banners  :  suflBce  it  to  say  that  the  inhabitants  of  Santa  Fe  with 
many  people  from  all  parts  of  the  diocese  worthily  celebrated  a 
day  never  to  be  forgotten,  a  daj'^  marking  a  new  epoch  in  the 
histor>'  of  their  venerable  Church  and  making  it  a  glorious 
one.  After  the  ceremony  the  people,  headed  by  the  college 
bandr  accompanied  their  Archbishop  to  his  residence  in  the 
same  order  as  they  had  taken  him  to  the  college  for  the  cere- 
mony of  the  Pallium.  A  splendid  dinner  was  served  in  the 
Archbishop's  garden,  by  the  inhabitants  of  Santa  Fe,  to  the 
clergy  and  a  large  number  of  guests  from  among  the  laity  of 
the  diocese. 

In  the  same  j'ear  the  Sisters  of  Loretto  opened  a  school  at 
BernaUllo,  in  a  house  which  was  donated  to  them  b)'  Dn.  Jose 
Leandro  Perea,  a  good  Catholic  and  the  leading  man  of  the 
locality. 

The  parish  of  La  Mesa,  twenty  miles  below  Mesilla  was 
established  in  the  same  year  1875  with  Rev.  John  Grange  as 
pastor,  and  that  of  San  Elzeario,  an  old  parish  which,  for  a 
time,  had  been  consolidated  with  that  of  Isleta,  was  re-estab- 
lished and  entrusted  to  Rev.  P.  Bourgade,  now  the  Bishop  of 
Tucson. 

In  1876  the  parochial  school  of  San  Agustin  for  boys  at 
Tucson,  which  had  been  kept  in  different  houses  from  1866, 
was  transferred  to  Stone  Avenue,  to  a  building  bought  by  the 
Vicar  Apostolic  for  the  sum  of  $3,000.  The  first  repairs  of  the 
building  and  the  furniture  of  the  school  rooms  were  mostly 
paid  for  by  P.  R.  Tully,  a  merchant  of  the  town,  who  has 
always  been  a  friend  and  a  protector  of  Catholic  education. 
The  school  was  entrusted  to  two  experienced  teachers. 

In  1877  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona  started  for  a  visit 
to  Colorado  Chiquito,  accompanied  by  Octaviano  A.  Larrasolo, 
a  young  and  brave  bo}^  who  was  always  ready  to  travel  with 
the  Bishop,  to  help  him  in  the  camp  and  to  serve  mass  where- 
ever   it   could   be  said.     There  was  hardly  any  possibility  of 


SxNTA  Fe  Made  an  Archdiocese.  267 

going  directly  from  Tucson  to  Colorado  Chiquito.  In  order  to 
make  it  easier  and  safer,  it  was  determined  to  go  by  the  Rio 
Grande  road,  which  was  at  least  three  times  longer,  but  which 
■gave  the  Vicar  Apostolic  opportunity  to  visit  the  missions  he 
"had  in  the  southern  part  of  New  Mexico  and  in  El  Paso  County, 
Texas.  He  started  with  his  own  conveyance  and  reached  Rio 
Grande  in  due  time,  not  without  good  reasons  for  being  afraid 
of  the  Indians  (when  he  got  to  Fort  Bowie,  he  was  told  that 
the  Apaches  had  attacked  the  mail  carrier  near  Shakespeare 
the  night  before),  but  without  being  molested.  After  a  visit 
to  the  missions  just  mentioned,  the  Bishop  and  his  young  com- 
panion took  the  road  up  the  river  about  240  miles  as  far  as 
Sabinal,  where  a  guide  had  to  be  hired  for  the  remainder  of  the 
distance  through  the  Navajo  country.  The  Indians  whom  the 
travelers  met  between  Sabinal  and  Colorado  Chiquito  were 
peaceable  Navajos  who  had  left  the  reserv^ation  assigned  by  the 
■government  to  their  tribe  and  were  taking  care  of  their  horses 
and  sheep  outside  of  it.  They  had  quite  a  long  conversation 
with  the  Bishop  and  promised  to  come  in  large  numbers  to  the 
same  place  for  the  day  he  told  them  he  would  return  from  Col- 
orado Chiquito.  The  Bishop  was  faithful  to  the  rendezvous, 
but  the  Indians  failed  to  be  present  for  the  reason,  as  it  was  as- 
certained later,  that  the  water  having  become  too  scarce,  it  had 
been  necessar^^  for  them  to  move  to  another  place.  After  visit- 
ing the  mission,  which  comprised  only  St.  John's  town  and 
Round  Valley,  thirty'  miles  up  the  river  on  the  north  side  of 
the  White  Mountain,  the  small  party  started  back  for  Sabinal 
by  the  same  road.  The  only  incident  the  travelers  met  with 
was  a  water  spout,  which  occasioned  the  breaking  of  their 
buggv'  pole  and  detained  them  the  whole  night  in  a  canon,  until 
they  could  see  how  to  repair  their  conveyance  at  daylight  and 
resume  their  march. 

From  Sabinal  the  \^icar  Apostolic  took  the  shortest  road 
for  Silver  City,  where  Rev.  Anthony  Jouvenceau,  coming  from 
Las  Cruces,  was  to  meet  him  for  the  joiu-ney  to  Tucson.  The 
priest  was  there,  and  the  first  news  he  had  to  communicate  to 
his  Bishop  was,  that  the  day  before,  he  had  helped  the  parish 
priest  to  bury  eleven  persons  who  had  been  killed  by  the 
Apaches  in  the  Burro  Mountain.     This  was  the  road  the  Bishop 


268  Santa  Fe  Mace  an  ArcaDIOCESB, 

and  his  party  had  to  take.  Inquiries  were  made  to  asceftaiil 
whether  any  other  people  were  to  travel  the  same  way,  and  it 
was  found  out  that  a  few  men,  well  armed,  would  try  to  cross 
the  mountain  b^-  night  the  next  day.  It  was  thought  that  no 
better  opportunity^  could  be  expected,  but  these  men  had  fresh 
horses  and  from  the  start  traveled  so  fast  that  the  Bishop,  who 
had  no  previous  understanding  with  them,  was  obliged  to  drop 
behind  with  his  small  party.  Still  the  mountain  was  crossed 
without  accident.  From  there  the  road  went  through  an  open 
country  and  if  there  would  have  been  any  danger,  it  could  be 
seen  in  advance  and  precautions  timely  taken  to  avoid  it. 

April  25,  1878,  the  new  chapel  of  the  Sisters  of  Loretto  at 
Santa  Fe  was  blessed  b}'  the  Vicar  General  P.  Eguillon,  as- 
sisted by  the  Revs.  Truchard,  parish  priest  of  the  Cathedral, 
and  Fathers  Courbon,  Seux,  Valezy  and  Remuson. 

The  next  year,  July  2.3d,  a  colony  of  the  Loretto  Sisters 
went  to  San  Elzeario  with  Sister  Mary  Kostka  as  Superior,  to 
to  open  a  school  in  a  house  built  for  the  purpose  by  the  zeal- 
ous pastor  of  the  parish,  Rev.  P.  Bourgade. 

In  the  same  year,  September  i8th,  the  Sisters  of  the  same 
Order  opened  another  school  at  Socorro,  N.  M.,  in  a  building 
which  was  donated  to  them  by  the  parish  priest,  Rev-  Benedict 
Bernard. 

On  the  15th  of  February  1879,  was  commenced  the  build- 
ing of  St.  Mar>''s  Hospital,  near  the  novitiate  of  the  Sisters  of 
St.  Joseph,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Tucson. 

From  1866  to  1880  the  population  of  Arizona  had  many 
fluctuations.  Ever^^  revolution  that  took  place  in  the  neigh- 
boring States  of  the  Mexican  Republic  would  send  to  this  country 
a  considerable  number  of  people;  but  these,  most  of  them  at 
least;  had  no  intention  of  remaining,  and  moved  back  again  as 
soon  as  peace  and  order  were  re-established  in  their  native 
country.  Some  of  them,  however,  settled  here  and  there  in 
the  Territor>'.  It  was,  as  of  yore,  for  the  settlers  a  war  of  Hfe 
and  death  with  the  Apaches,  and  this  condition  lasted  until  the 
Mexicans  and  the  colonists  prevailed  bj^  their  numbers  over 
the  wild  tribes.  From  1880  immigration  from  the  Eastern 
states  commenced,  slowly,  it  is  true,  but  steadily ;  some  mines 


!^ANT\  Pe  Made  av  ARcrrwocESE.  269 

gave  good  results,  and  a  new  population  sprung  up  in  diflferent 
sections  of  the  country'. 

On  the  27th  of  January,  1880,  Tucson  had  four  or  five 
inches  of  snow  on  the  ground.  The  case  was  so  unusual  that 
it  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  few  hours'  vacation  for  the  j'oung 
clerks  of  the  stores.  They  also  were  entitled  to  have  their 
share  in  the  throwing  of  snow  balls  at  the  passers-by,  and  es- 
pecially at  those  who  tried  to  object  to  the  fun.  March  17th, 
1880,  the  first  train  of  the  S.  P.  R.  R.  arrived  at  Tucson. 

The  same  3'ear,  1880,  the  San  Xavier  Church  was  robbed  of 
two  massive  silver  chalices,  two  gold  cruets  and  a  silver  censer. 
Value  estimated  at  $270. 

On  April  the  2 2d  the  church  of  Tucson  was  made  the 
theater  of  a  wanton  profanation  by  a  crazy  fanatic  Helvetian. 
In  his  madness  the  man  threw  the  tabernacle  on  the  floor  of 
the  sanctuary,  but  fortunately  its  door  stood  the  shock  without 
breaking  open,  the  Via  Crucis  pictures  were  destroyed,  the 
candlesticks  thrown  here  and  there  were  broken  or  greatly 
damaged,  the  relics  scattered  and  the  statue  of  St.  Augustine, 
the  diocesan  patron  saint,  entirely  broken  to  pieces.  The  man 
W^as  arrested  and  found  laboring  under  complete  mental  aberra- 
tion. A  collection  was  taken  up  the  same  day  by  some  ladies 
of  the  towai  to  make  up,  as  far  as  possible,  for  the  damage  caused. 

On  the  24th  of  April  took  place  the  blessing  of  St.  Marj-'s 
Hospital,  the  Vicar  Apostolic  officiating,  assisted  by  the  priests 
of  the  parish,  Revs.  Francis  and  Anthony  Jouvenceau.  The 
same  day  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph,  Mother  Basil  being  the 
Superioress,  took  charge  of  the  institution.  On  the  ist  of  May, 
the  county  patients  w^ere  brought  to  St.  Mary's  by  Dr.  J.  C. 
Handy  who  had  charge  of  them.  The  doctor  was  also  the 
railroad  physician  and  he  took  also  the  patients  of  the  company 
between  Yuma  and  El  Paso  to  St.  Marj^'s  Hospital. 

On  the  14th  of  June,  1880,  Rev.  Pedro  Badilla,  a  priest 
from  Costa  Rica,  was  received  and  sent  to  St.  John's 
on  the  Colorado  River,  where  he  has  built  a  good  church  and  a 
modest  rector}^ 

On  the  night  of  the  same  day,  June  14,  1880,  the  parochial 
church  of  Tucson  was  robbed  oftwo  silver  chalices,  one  brass  cen- 
ser, two  silver  cruets  and  a  little  silver  hand  bell.   Loss  about  $145. 


270  Santa  Fe  Made  an  Archdiocese, 

October  24th,  President  Hayes,  coming  from  California^ 
stopped  over  at  Tucson.  Two  hundred  and  seventy-five  chil- 
dren of  the  Catholic  schools  were  present  at  the  depot  when 
the  train  arrived,  and  were  the  first  to  greet  the  chief  of  the 
Nation,  who  very  kindly  manifested  a  desire  of  seeing  them  at 
the  place  where  he  was  to  stop.  As  a  matter  of  course,  the 
President's  wish  was  complied  with.  At  the  same  place,  the 
house  of  Dr,  Lord,  of  the  firm  of  Lord  &  William,  some  thirty 
Papago  Indians,  all  mounted,  were  presented  by  the  Rev.  An- 
thony Jouvenceau  to  the  President,  who  addressed  them  through, 
the  medium  of  their  introducer. 

In  1 88 1,  March  loth,  the  chapel  of  Tempe  on  Salt  River 
was  blessed  bj'  the  Vicar  Apostolic,  and  dedicated  to  Our  Lady 
of  Mount  Carmel. 

In  the  same  month,  Archbishop  Lamy  and  Bishop  Mache- 
beuf,  accompanied  by  Rev.  Phillips,  paid  a  visit  of  a  few  days 
to  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona.  The  Vicar  and  his  distin- 
guished guests  were  agreeably  entertained  one  day  at  Fort 
Lowell  by  General  Carr. 

In  the  same  year,  June  24th,  took  place  the  dedication  of 
the  church  of  Phoenix  to  the  Immaculate  Heart  of  IVIary. 
This  church  and  that  of  Tempe  were  built  under  the  adminis- 
tration of  Rev.  Ed.  Gerard,  the  parish  priest  of  Florence.  The 
church  was  blessed  by  the  Bishop  having  for  assistants  the 
Revs.  Gerard,  the  priest  in  charge,  Deraches  from  Prescott, 
Chaucot  from  Yuma,  and  A.  Jouvenceau  from  Tucson.  After 
the  ceremony,  a  resident  of  Phoenix,  Thomas  Hopkins,  was 
presented  to  the  Bishop  by  the  priest  as  a  gentleman  who  had 
helped  a  great  deal  in  the  building  of  the  church. 

June  27th,  at  about  midnight,  the  population  of  Tucson 
was  started  by  the  explosion  of  a  powder  store,  which  greatly 
injured  many  buildings  in  the  town. 

July  15th,  Rev.  J.  B.  Stagnon  died  at  Silver  City,  where  he 
had  been  exercising  the  sacred  ministry  as  parish  priest  since 
May  1879. 

In  September,  1881,  were  built  the  towers  of  the  church 
in  Tucson.  In  1883,  some  ornamental  stone  work  was  put  on 
the  front  of  the  same  building. 


Santa  Fe  Made  an  Archdiocese.  271 

February  i8th,  1883,  the  church  of  Tombstone  was  blessed 
:And  dedicated  to  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus,  by  the  Vicar  Apo- 
:stolic,  assisted  by  the  parish  priest.  Rev.  Patrick  Gallagher. 
The  town  had  been  started  three  or  four  years  before,  owing 
to  the  recent  discovery  of  rich  silver  mines  in  the  place  and  in 
the  vicinity.  Before  it  was  made  a  parish  it  was  attended  from 
Tucson. 

On  the  29th  of  April  of  the  same  year,  the  laying  of  the 
•corner  stone  of  the  church  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  in 
Tucson  was  performed  by  the  Bishop,  having  for  assistants  the 
Revds.  Francis  and  Anthony  Jouvenceau.  This  church,  a 
good  stone  building,  remained  unfinished  owing  to  the  failure 
of  a  bank  in  which  it  lost  $800,  which  had  been  contributed  by 
the  people  for  its  roofing.  The  ground  on  which  the  walls  of 
this  church  are  standing  was  donated  by  Andrew  Cronly,  a 
Catholic  citizen  of  the  town.  Bishop  Bourgade  since  1885  has 
tried  to  have  the  structure  completed,  but  has  failed  thus  far  for 
the  lack  of  means,  as  he  had  to  take  on  himself  to  support, 
every  year,  his  parochial  schools  in  Tucson,  since  he  was  made 
the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona, 

On  the  4th  of  April,  1884,  the  Vicar  Apostolic,  Right  Rev. 
J.  B.  Salpointe,  returned  from  Rome,  where  he  had  ^ne  at  the 
request  of  the  Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe  for  the  meeting  there  of 
the  Archbishops  of  the  United  States,  before  the  Third  Plenary 
Council  of  Baltimore, 

On  the  25th  of  May,  1884,  the  Vicar  Apostolic  blessed  a 
new  church  in  Florence,  having  as  assistants  the  parish  priests 
Rev.  Ed,  Gerard,  Rev.  Joseph  Bloise  of  Phoenix,  and  Rev.  An- 
thony Jouvenceau  from  Tucson.  This  church  was  destroyed 
by  fire  August  15th,  1893. 

On  the  2  2d  of  April  of  the  same  year,  the  Vicar  Apostolic 
of  Arizona  was  appointed  coadjutor  to  the  Most  Rev.  Arch- 
bishop of  Santa  Fe,  but  remained  as  administrator  of  the  Vicar- 
iate of  Arizona,  until  the  appointment  of  his  successor,  which 
was  effected  at  the  beginning  of  1885  when  the  Right  Rev.  P. 
Bourgade,  who  was  then  the  parish  priest  of  Silver  City,  became 
the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona,  with  the  title  of  Bishop  of 
Thaumacum,  i.  p. 


CHAPTER  XIIL 

Archbishops  Salpointe    and  Chapelle    in    San^A   Fe. 
Visit  of  Cardinal  Satolli. — List  of  Priests. 

On  the  19th  of  February,  1885,  the  Right  Rev.  J,  B,  Sal- 
pointe came  to  Santa  Fe  as  coadjutor  to  the  Most  Rev.  Arch- 
bishop I,aniy.  He  was  promoted  to  the  Archiepiscopal  See  of 
Anazarba  on  October  11  of  the  same  year,  and  succeeded  to  the 
See  of  Santa  Fe  Jul}^  i8th,  1885,  by  the  resignation  of  his  pre- 
decessor. The  new  Archbishop,  knowing  that  his  beloved 
predecessor  had  failed  to  get  any  support  from  the  government 
for  the  education  of  the  Indians  in  his  diocese  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  President  Grant,  thought  it  was  his  duty  to  try 
whether  he  could  get  for  the  same  purpose  some  appropriation 
from  the  Democratic  government-  He  had  not  much  hope  for 
greater  sticcess  ;  still  for  the  satisfaction  of  his  conscience  he 
started  for  Washington  in  the  first  month  of  1886.  There,  ac- 
companied by  Mr.  Charles  S,  Lusk,  then  Secretary  of  the  Bu- 
reau of  Catholic  Indian  Missions,  he  paid  a  visit  to  Mr.  OberW, 
the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Aifairs,  and  obtained  from  him 
contracts  for  four  day  schools,  to  be  established  in  as  many 
designated  pueblos  of  New  Mexico,  with  the  promise  of  four 
more,  as  soon  as  he  should  have  money  enough  at  his  disposal 
to  enable  him  to  have  contracts  issued  for  them. 

This  gentleman  fulfilled  his  promise,  and  shortly  after  sent 
through  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian  Missions  contracts  for 
seven  day  schools  and  one  for  a  boarding  industrial  school  for 
Indian  boys.  The  day  schools  were  for  the  pueblos  of  Isleta, 
Acoma,  Pahuate,  the  village  of  Laguna,  Santo  Domingo,  Jemez, 
San  Juan  and  Taos. 


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\'EKY  Rev.   F.  X.  Jouvenceau,   First  Vicar  General, 

TICSON  ,     AKIZONA. 


Rt.   Rev.  Henky  Graxjon,   D.   D., 

HISIIOI'  OK  Tl  CSOX,  AlilZONA. 


Archbishop  Salpointe  in  Santa  Fe.  273 

The  boarding  school  for  boys  was  started  at  Bernalillo  in  a 
rented  house,  with  the  view  of  purchasing  in  that  locality  a 
suitable  piece  of  land  for  the  school  buildings  and  for  agricul- 
tural purposes.  Meanwhile  the  Archbishop  had  a  large  build- 
ing erected  near  the  chapel  of  Our  I^ady  of  the  Rosary,  a  short 
distance  north  of  Santa  Fe,  intended  for  a  boarding  school  for 
Indian  girls.  The  cost  of  this  building,  which  amounted  to 
$14,000,  besides  its  furniture,  was  paid  by  the  Rev.  Mother 
Catharine  Drexel  and  for  this  reason  it  is  known  by  the  name 
of  St.  Catharine's  School. 

The  corner  stone  of  St.  Catharine's  was  blessed  June  17th, 
1886,  by  the  Archbishop.  Its  dedication  took  place  on  the  nth 
of  April,  1887.  The  ceremony  was  performed  by  Most  Rev. 
Archbishop  L^amy,  and  there  were  present  His  Grace  Arch- 
bishop J.  B.  Salpointe,  Vicar  General  Rev.  E.  P.  Eguillon, 
Michael  Rolty,  assistant  priest  of  the  Cathedral ;  Rev.  Anthony 
Jouvenceau,  Superintendent  of  the  Indian  schools  of  the  diocese; 
Rev.  Julius  Deraches,  chaplain  of  St.  Vincent's  Hospital ;  James 
H.  Defouri,  parish  priest  of  Guadalupe  ;  Rev  J.  W.  Coudert, 
parish  priest  of  I^as  Vegas ;  Rev.  Leon  Mailhuchet,  parish 
priest  of  Pecos,  and  Rev.  Father  Brochman,  priest  of  the  diocese 
of  Detroit. 

As  no  convenient  location  for  an  industrial  school  for  boys 
could  be  found  for  sale  at  Bernalillo,  the  Indian  school,  after 
having  been  kept  for  about  seven  months  in  that  place,  was 
transferred  to  Santa  Fe  to  the  building  of  the  Guadalupe 
church,  and  on  the  26th  of  April,  to  St.  Catherine's  new  build- 
ing, with  a  number  of  sixty  pupils  under  the  care  of  W.  Cos- 
tello.  The  management  of  the  house  was  for  a  time  entrusted 
to  the  Sisters  of  Loretto.  A  few  years  later,  a  contract  was 
obtained  from  the  Department  of  the  Interior  by  the  Bureau  of 
CathoHc  Indian  Missions  for  a  boarding  school  for  Indian  girls, 
and  this  was  entrusted  to  the  branch  of  the  Loretto  Sisters 
estabHshed  at  Bernalillo.  No  better  selection  of  teachers  could 
have  been  made  for  the  purpose.  From  the  beginning  the 
Sisters  have  spared  no  pains  to  give  to  their  Indian  pupils  a 
solid  education,  and  the  manners  of  civilized  people.  They 
have  also  used  the  money  they  made  by  the  Indian  school  to 
give  it  ample  new  buildings,  substantial  and  neatly  furnishd,  so 

18 


274  AftcHBisaop  Salpoimte  tn  Sakta  Fir. 

that  this  establishment  ma}^  be  considered  inferior  to  none  of 
the  good  educational  houses  of  this  Territory'. 

As  for  St.  Catherine's  as  a  school  for  boj^s,  it  was  not 
advantageousl}-  located,  as  Santa  Fe  has  not  water  enough  for 
irrigation.  The  school,  especially  on  account  of  its  location  at 
the  foot  of  the  hills,  could  not  have  a  sufficient  quantity  of 
water  to  work  with  success  at  an^^  kind  of  agriculture,  and  this 
was  the  reason  why  its  contract  was  suppressed  for  the  year 
1893-94.  The  contract  has  not  been  renewed  since,  but  the 
school  was  taken  up  in  September  1894,  by  Mother  Catherine 
Drexel  who  had  it  well  conducted  by  the  Sisters  of  her  Order, 
without  any  compensation  from  the  Government  thus  far. 

In  1888,  the  Archbishop,  with  the  allocations  he  received 
from  the  collections  taken  up  in  the  Catholic  churches  of  the 
United  States  for  the  education  of  the  Indians  and  of  the  Ne- 
groes, established  day  schools  in  the  pueblos  of  Cochiti,  San 
Felipe,  Santa  Clara  and  Zia.  These  schools  lasted  for  three 
3'ears  in  the  three  first  mentioned  pueblos,  and  only  one  3'ear 
in  the'  last  owing  to  the  lack  of  means  of  obtaining  the 
monthly  salars'  for  teachers  in  some  of  the  contract  schools,  on 
account  of  short  average  of  pupils. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  the  New  Mexico  Pueblo  In- 
dian schools,  we  must  acknowledge  the  services  we  received 
from  the  members  of  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian  Missions 
and  especially  from  its  director,  Monseigneur  J.  A.  Stephan, 
for  their  support  during  our  administration  of  the  Archdiocese 
of  Santa  Fe.  To  the  \"enerable  Stephan  we  are  indebted  for 
the  encouragement  he  gave  to  the  pupils  and  teachers  of  these 
schools  b}^  visiting  them  several  times  and,  when  needed,  by 
procuring  the  means  of  enlarging  or  repairing  the  school  build- 
ings. 

In  1888,  the  college  of  Las  Vegas,  known  by  the  name  of 
Lasalle  Institute,  and  conducted  by  the  Christian  Brothers 
since  September  1 1  of  the  same  year,  was  built  at  the  expense 
of  the  diocese  without  any  contribution,  except  from  Felix 
Martinez,  who  of  his  own  accord  made  a  donation  of  a  lot  of 
ground  which  was  included  in  the  site  selected  for  the  institu- 
tion. The  cost  of  this  college,  including  the  purchase  of  the 
grounds,  the  building  of  the  house,  the  school  furniture,  means 


Archbishop  Salpointe  in  Santa  Fe.  275 

of  support  furnished  to  the  Brothers  during  two  years,  besides 
the  little  income  the  payment  from  the  pupils  could  bring, 
amounted  to  an  aggregate  sum  of  over  twelve  thousand  dollars. 
Owing  to  the  rather  poor  condition  of  many  Mexicans  in  the 
town  of  L,as  Vegas  and  the  depression  of  business  which  had 
been  felt  all  over  this  country  and  especiall}-  in  the  poor  popula- 
tions of  New  Mexico,  the  L,as  Vegas  college  has  not  progressed 
as  much  as  expected ;  still,  by  dint  of  zeal  and  devotedness 
to  their  vocation,  the  Brothers  have  made  it  from  the  be- 
ginning a  good  common  school.  We  wish  for  it  and  for  the 
Brothers  better  times  than  those  they  have  had  to  go  through 
thus  far. 

After  his  resignation,  July,  1885,  the  Most  Rev.  J.  B. 
I,amy  retired  to  a  small  countr>^  place  he  had  purchased  in  1853 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Tesuque  River.  This  place,  which  the 
Prelate  designated  b}'^  the  name  of  "Villa  Pintoresca,"  was 
commonly  called  "El  Cajoncito  de  Tuseque. "  Early  after  the 
purchase  of  the  premises,  the  Archbishop  had  a  modest  house 
and  a  small  chapel  built  on  it,  and  w^hen  he  felt  the  weight  of 
years  added  to  that  of  the  administration  of  his  vast  diocese,  it 
w^as  there  that  he  was  wont  to  go  at  times,  for  some  days  of 
rest.  He  could  not  expect  to  have  visitors  in  a  place  so  remote; 
still,  when  any  strangers  happened  to  make  their  way  to  the 
solitary  picturesque  spot,  he  always  cheerfully  entertained  them 
in  the  best  possible  manner. 

Early  in  Januarys  1888,  Mgr.  L,amy  sent  word  to  his  suc- 
cessor that  he  felt  sick  from  a  bad  cold,  and  desired  to  be 
brought  to  the  city.  His  wish  was  complied  with  at  once.  In 
Santa  Fe  the  Prelate  had  good  medical  attendance  and  the 
assiduous  care  of  the  vSisters  of  I/sretto,  For  some  time  he 
lingered  on,  giving  hopes  of  recovery,  until  on  the  14th  of  Feb- 
ruar>^  he  passed  away  without  agony  and  almost  unexpectedly. 
As  for  himself,  the  Archbishop  was  not  taken  by  surprise. 
He  had  been  given  the  Holy  Viaticum  in  due  time  at  his  own 
request,  and  at  the  last  moment  Extreme  Unction  was  ad- 
ministered to  him. 

The  remains  of  the  deceased  first  Bishop  and  Archbishop 
of  Santa  Fe  were  deposited,  on  the  i6th  of  February  1888,  in  a 
vault  which  is  now  covered  by  the  main  altar  of  the  cathedral. 


276  Archbishop  Salpoi.vte  in'  Sajjta  Vk. 

The  funeral  service  was  conducted  by  Archbishop  Salpointe  and 
and  his  Vicar  General,  Very  Rev.  P.  Eguillon,  the  latter  offi- 
ciating at  mass.  Present :  Very  Rev.  J.  Defouri,  Revds.  Roily, 
Deraches,  Jouvenceau,  most  of  the  priests  of  the  diocese  and  the 
faithful  who  had  come  from  almost  all  parts  of  the  Territory  to 
do  honor  to  the  saintty  Bishop  who  had  spent  thirty-six  j'ears 
of  his  life,  fostering  the  interests  of  religion  and  education 
among  them. 

The  life  of  the  Mo.^t  Rev,  John  B,  Lamy  in  New  Mexico 
was  that  of  an  apostle.  As  we  have  seen,  he  found  only  a  very 
limited  number  of  priests  in  the  extensive  Vicariate  that  was 
assigned  to  him.  On  the  first  visit  he  made  in  the  districts 
entrusted  to  his  care,  he  saw  that  not  onl}-  more  priests  were 
badly  needed  for  the  spiritual  administration  of  the  parishes 
and  missions,  but  also  good  teachers  for  the  instruction  of  the 
youth.  Hence  the  journey  to  Europe  which  the  Vicar  Apos- 
tolic undertook  a  short  time  after  taking  possession  of  his  Vic- 
ariate to  look  for  priests  and  religious  teachers.  The  Prov- 
idence of  God  blessed  his  projects  bj-  directing  him  to  find  good 
missionaries  and  a  colony  of  the  devoted  Sisters  of  Loretto- 
Such  journeys  abroad  had  to  be  repeated  time  and  again,  as 
need  required,  either  b^'  the  Vicar  Apostolic  or  by  some  of  his 
priests,  no  matter  how  dangerous  it  was  in  those  days  to  travel 
far,  or  even  at  all,  in  some  parts  of  the  Vicariate,  on  account  of 
the  wild  Indians.  In  any  of  these  cases  the  Rt,  Rev,  Lamy, 
unmindful  of  his  own  safet)',  was  always  ready  to  go  where  he 
thought  he  could  do  something  for  the  glory  of  God  and  the 
good  of  souls. 

Bishop  Lamy  was  pious,  humble  and  charitable.  Any- 
body, poor  or  rich,  found  him  always  accessible  and  ready  as 
far  as  was  in  his  power,  to  help  the  need}'.  For  long  years  he 
looked  for  the  means  of  having  a  good  cathedral  built  in  the 
city  of  his  episcopal  See,  and  before  dying  he  brought  to  a  con- 
clusion the  main  body  of  the  intended  structure. 

While  caring  first  for  the  interests  and  progress  of  religion 
in  his  diocese  the  zealous  Prelate  did  not  neglect,  when  oppor- 
tunity presented  itself,  to  do  what  he  could  to  better  the  con- 
dition of  his  people.  It  was  in  this  view  that  many  times  in 
his  instructions,   he  recommended  work  and  thriftiness  to  his 


Archbishop  {^alpointe  in  Santa  Pe.  277 

hearers.  When  he  came  to  New  Mexico,  there  were  but  few 
fruit  trees,  here  and  there,  and  in  order  to  have  that  branch  of 
culture  propagated  in  his  diocese,  he  had  his  garden  planted 
with  different  kinds  of  cultivated  trees,  which  he  brought  from 
St.  lyouis  in  his  conveyance  through  the  plains  of  Kansas  and 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  plan  was  not  without  success  ;  the 
trees  grew,  giving  good  crops  of  fruit ;  httle  by  little  other  peo- 
ple planted  orchards  on  their  premises,  and  such  was  the  be- 
ginning of  Santa  Fe  as  a  fruit  land. 

In  1888,  the  Rev.  Camille  Seux,  rector  of  the  parish  of 
San  Juan,  with  residence  in  the  pueblo  of  the  same  name,  had 
a  life  size  statue  of  Our  Lady  of  gourdes  erected  on  a  richly 
carved  stone  pedestal,  at  the  entrance  of  the  church  yard.  By 
this  monument  the  zealous  priest  intended  to  promote  in  the 
hearts  of  his  parishioners  and  especially  of  the  Indians  of  the 
San  Juan  pueblo,  devotion  to  the  Mother  of  God,  and  he  was 
not  frustrated  in  his  pious  desire.  From  the  day  the  image 
was  unveiled  before  an  immense  concourse  of  people  and  priests, 
by  a  Ceremony  at  which  the  diocesan  Archbishop  presided,  it 
attracted  at  once  public  veneration.  Not  only  passers-b^^  would 
stop  awhile  and  pray,  kneeling  on  the  steps  of  the  monu- 
ment, but  even  the  Indians  when  going  to  their  work  or  look- 
ing from  their  doors  early  in  the  morning  when  the  statue  was 
visible  for  a  long  distance.  The  devotion  spread  rapidly  and 
brought  often  from  different  parts  of  the  diocese  families  who 
came  to  pray  before  the  reproduction  of  the  miraculous  statue 
of  Ivourdes  in  France. 

Encouraged  by  this  visible  progress  in  devotion  to  the 
Mother  of  God,  the  priest  thought  of  doing  more  to  further  it 
by  the  building  of  a  chapel  in  which  the  pilgrims  could  perform 
their  devotions  without  kneeling  before  the  statue  in  all  kinds  of 
weather.  This  project  was  accomplished  by  the  Rev.  Seux  in 
1890,  without  asking  any  help  either  from  his  parishioners  or 
from  anybody  else,  as  far  as  we  know.  The  chapel  stands  on 
the  pubHc  plaza,  at  about  the  same  distance  from  the  statue  as 
this  is  from  the  church.  It  is  a  nice  little  gothic  structure  of 
stone,  well  finished  inside  with  a  rustic  grotto  in  the  sanctuan^ 
and  furnished  with  rich  sacred  vessels  and  vestments.  This 
monument  was  also  dedicated  by  the  Archbishop  of  the  diocese, 


278  Archbishop  Salpoixte  in  Sakta  Fe. 

assisted  by  the  priests  of  Santa  Fe,  and  of  the  Diocese  of 
Colorado,  twenty-three  in  all.  From  that  da}^  pilgrimages 
from  Santa  Fe  and  from  Conejos,  diocese  of  Colorado,  bringing 
crowds  of  people  who  could  avail  themselves  of  the  railroads, 
have  come  faithfully  every  year  for  the  eighth  of  September, 
feast  of  the  Nativity  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mar^',  the  day 
selected  for  the  general  gathering  at  the  shrine.  Meanwhile, 
families  from  different  parts  of  the  diocese  of  Santa  Fe,  and 
from  the  southern  part  of  that  of  Colorado,  flock  to  San  Juan 
at  their  convenience,  ever  since  the  erection  of  the  statue  in 
that  place.  How  many  graces  have  been  received  by  the 
devout  pilgrims  has  not  been  put  on  record,  but  that  many 
graces  have  been  given  cannot  be  doubted,  as  following  the 
teaching  of  St.  Bernard,  it  is  the  belief  of  the  Church  that  no 
one  faithfully  imploring  the  intercession  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
has  ever  seen  his  prayer  refused.  Patent  and  public  miracles 
are  reserved  for  places  where  unbelievers  gather,  but  these  are 
not  to  be  found  generally  among  the  Mexicans  and  the  Indians 
of  New  Mexico.  Many  of  them  may  be  poor  practical  Catholics, 
but  they  all  have  faith  in  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ,  as  is 
proven  by  the  care  they  take,  even  those  who  have  been  most 
negligent  about  their  religious  duties  while  in  health,  to  call  for 
the  sacraments  of  the  Church  when  the}^  feel  themselves  in 
danger  of  death. 

In  1890,  June  25th,  was  commenced  the  new  archiepiscopal 
building.  The  same  was  blessed  on  the  19th  of  February 
1891 ,  the  ceremony  was  performed  by  the  Very  Rev.  P.  EguiUon, 
Vicar  General  and  Rector  of  the  cathedral,  and  there  were 
present  the  priests  of  the  city,  and  Rev.  Parisis,  parish  priest  of 
Bernalillo.  The  Archbishop  had  his  residence  built  wdthout 
asking  any  contribution  for  it. 

August  21,  1 89 1,  at  the  request  of  Archbishop  J.  B.  Sal- 
pointe,  the  Rev.  P.  L.  Chapelle,  D.  D.,  rector  of  St.  Matthew's 
church  in  the  city  of  Washington,  was  appointed  his  coadjutor, 
(cum  jure  successionis),  with  the  title  of  Bishop  of  Arabissus. 
November  i,  of. the  same  3'ear  he  was  consecrated  by  His 
Eminence,  Cardinal  Gibbons,  in  the  Cathedral  of  Baltimore. 
December  7 ,  he  arrived  at  Santa  Fe  accompanied  by  the  writer, 
his  Archbishop,   the   Most  Rev.   Patrick  W.    Riordan,   Arch- 


Archbishop  Chapelle  in  Banta  Fr.  279 

bishop  of  San  Francisco,  Right  Rev.  Nicholas  Chtys.  Matz, 
Bishop  of  Denver,  Right  Rev.  Peter  Bourgade,  Vicar  Apostolic 
of  Arizona,  now  Bishop  of  Tucson,  in  the  same  Territory,  also 
the  Rev.  Thomas  McSweeney,  pastor  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales' 
Oakland,  Cal. ,  and  the  Rev.  D.  J.  McCaflfery  of  the  diocese  of 
Chicago. 

The  party  was  met  at  the  depot  by  the  clergy  of  Santa  Fe. 
Owing  to  the  severity  of  the  weather,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city  as  well  as  those  who  had  come  from  different  parts  of  the 
diocese  did  not  succeed  in  carr^dng  out  their  design  of  a  grand 
parade  in  honor  of  their  new  Bishop. 

Bishop  Chapelle  celebrated  his  first  Pontifical  mass  in 
Santa  Fe  on  the  feast  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  Decem- 
ber 8,  in  the  presence  of  the  three  Bishops  of  the  ecclesiastical 
province,  Archbishop  Salpointe,  Bishop  P.  Bourgade  and 
Bishop  Matz,  who  delivered  the  sermon. 

From  this  time  Bishop  Chapelle  worked  faithfully,  helping 
his  Archbishop  in  the  administration  of  the  diocese,  especially 
by  visiting  the  different  parishes  for  the  purpose  of  conferring 
Confirmation. 

Earty  in  1S93,  at  our  request,  he  sailed  for  Europe  in 
search  of  missionaries  who  were  needed  in  several  parishes, 
particularly  for  the  religious  instruction  of  several  Indian  tribes, 
who  were  without  priests  but  ready  to  accept  their  services 
when  offered  them.  The  Bishop  availed  himself  of  this  voyage 
to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Pope  who,  on  the  loth  of  May  of  the  same 
year,  conferred  upon  him  the  title  of  the  Archiepiscopal  See  of 
Sebaste.  Our  coadjutor  became  the  Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe 
January'  7,  1894,  by  our  resignation,      (i) 

The  conferring  of  the  Pallium  did  not  take  place  until 
October  17,  1895.  The  occasion  was  made  the  most  remarkable 
of  all  solemnities,  either  civil  or  religious,  ever  witnessed  in 
Santa  Fe.  His  Eminence,  Cardinal  Gibbons,  Archbishop  of 
Baltimore,  who  was  to  preside  at  the  festival,  arrived  at  Santa 
Fe  by  a  special  train  on  Tuesday,  October  15,  between  the 
hours  of  seven  and  eight.  The  entire  population  of  the  city 
was  at  the  depot  to  welcome  the  first  Cardinal  of  the  Holy 


(1)    For  the  following  details  on   the  administration  of  the  diocese  of  Santa  Fe 
by  Archbishop  Chapelle,  we  are  indebted  mostly  to  the  kiudnes  of  Rev.  J.  Deraches. 


280  Abchpishop  Chapelle  rs  Sa>T'a  Fe. 

Roman  Church.,  who  came  to  honor  New  Mexico  with  a  visit. 
All  the  school  children,  the  sodalities  and  associations  of  the 
city,  even  the  National  Guard,  after  His  Eminence  had  been 
received  with  the  most  enthusiastic  hurrahs,  formed  in  Hue  and 
proceeded  through  the  principal  streets,  which  were  profusely 
illuminated,  to  the  residence  of  the  Archbishop. 

On  the  17th,  at  10  o'clock,  an  imposing  procession  of  pre- 
lates and  priests  formed  at  the  residence  of  the  Archbishop  and 
escorted  Cardinal  Gibbons  to  the  Cathedral.  The  prelates  were 
Archbishop  Kain  of  St.  Louis,  Bishop  Donahue  of  WTieeling, 
Bishop  Hennessy  of  Wichita,  Bishop  Montgomery  of  Los  An- 
geles, Bishop  Dunn  of  Dallas,  Bishop  Gabriels  of  Ogdensburg, 
Bishop  Beaven  of  Springfield.  Bishop  Bourgade  of  Tucson,  and 
the  Archbishops  Chapelle  and  Salpointe  of  Santa  Fe,  also 
Monsignor  Stephan  of  Washington.  This  beautiful  line  was 
headed  by  seventy-five  priests  from  different  dioceses  and  almost 
all  those  of  New  Mexico,  all  wearing  cassock  and  surpHce. 

After  the  gospel  of  the  Pontifical  Mass,  Archbishop  Kain 
of  St.  Louis  dehvered  an  eloquent  sermon  on  the  history'  and 
sacred  meaning  of  the  Pallium.  Bishop  Bourgade  of  Tucson, 
at  the  end  of  the  mass,  read  a  very  interesting  paper,  written 
in  Spanish  by  the  Most  Rev.  Archbishop  Salpointe,  on  the 
history  of  the  Church  in  the  province  of  Santa  Fe.  Then  the 
Cardinal  arose  and  after  paying  an  eloquent  tribute  to  the  first 
Bishop  of  Santa  Fe,  the  late  Archbishop  Lamy.  and  to  the 
newly  retired  Archbishop  Salpointe,  he,  at  last,  addressed  him- 
self, with  evident  high  personal  regard,  to  x\rchbishop  Chapelle 
before  placing  on  his  shoulders  the  Pallium,  as  required  to 
complete  the  dress  of  a  new  Archbishop. 

Archbishop  Chapelle  returned  his  thanks  to  the  Cardinal 
in  English  and  then  spoke  briefly  in  Spanish,  explaining  to 
the  crowd  gathered  in  the  church,  the  meaning  of  the  brilliant 
ceremonies  of  the  day. 

The  public  reception  in  the  evening  lasted  from  8  until  1 1 
o'clock  and  never  before  had  its  like  been  witnessed  in  Santa  Fe. 

The  day  after  the  reception  of  the  Pallium,  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  Cathedral  of  Santa  Fe  was  performed  by  Archbishop 
Chapelle,  after  which  he  celebrated  a  Pontifical  Mass  in  the 
presence  of  all  the   Bishops  and  priests  who  had  assisted  the 


XLIV.     Interior  of  San  Xavier's  CnrRCH , 

Tri.^S?<.»N ,    ARIZONA. 


Rt.    Rkv.   Monstgxor  J.   A.   Stkphan, 

WHO   lUTLT  SKVKIiAL  IXDJAX  SCifdOI.S  IX  XEW   MEXICO. 


.Cardinal  Satolli  i.\  Santa  Fe.  281 

day  before  at  the  conferring  of  the  Pallium.  The  church  was 
again  crowded  to  its  utmost,  and  before  that  immense  audience, 
Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  Donahue  preached  a  magnificent  sermon  on 
the  sacredness  of  our  religious  temples. 

On  Saturday,  October  19,  a  special  train  of  the  Denver  and 
Rio  Grande  Railroad  carried  His  Eminence,  the  Bishops,  and 
a  number  of  priests,  to  the  Indian  pueblo  of  San  Juan  to  see  the 
beautiful  chapel  the  Rev.  Camilo  Seux,  the  pastor,  had  built 
in  honor  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  of  gourdes,  for  the  benefit  of 
his  parishioners  and  of  all  who  would  go  there  to  pay  their 
devotions  to  the  Mother  of  God.  The  Indians  gave  a  charac- 
teristic reception  to  the  distinguished  party,  which  was  most 
hospitably  entertained  by  the  Venerable  Camilo  Seux. 

Visit  of  Cardinal  Satolli  to  the  Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe. 

lycss  than  six  months  after  Cardinal  Gibbons  had  visited 
Santa  Fe,  another  prince  of  the  Church,  His  Eminence,  Car- 
dinal Satolli,  Delegate  Apostolic  to  the  United  States,  arrived 
at  the  capital  of  New  Mexico  and  was  for  a  few  days  the  guest 
of  Archbishop  Chapelle.  Coming  from  El  Paso,  the  Cardinal 
reached  Santa  Fe  on  February  28,  1896,  at  about  2  o'clock  p. 
m.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  private  secretary'  pro  tem., 
the  Rev.  A.  Ortan,  D.  D.,  a  prominent  Sulpician,  the  librarian 
of  the  Catholic  University,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  next  da}',  which  was  the  second  Sunday  of  Lent, 
Cardinal  Satolli  pontificated  solemnly  in  the  Cathedral,  Arch- 
bishop Chapelle  preaching  the  sermon.  On  Monday  all  the 
priests  who  had  notice  of  the  passage  of  the  Cardinal  came  to 
Santa  Fe  to  pay  their  respects.  His  Eminence  left  Santa  Fe 
for  Denver  on  Tuesday  morning,  March  3,  1896. 

We  can  add  to  the  above  details,  that  though  the  time 
that  Archbishop  Chapelle  spent  in  the  administration  of  the 
diocese  of  Santa  Fe,  was  but  verj'-  short,  still,  his  work  in 
it  as  coadjutor  and  Archbishop  has  been  ver>'  noticeable.  He 
visited  all  parts  of  the  diocese  and  administered  Confirmation 
to  28,000  candidates,  besides  bringing  from  Europe  twenty-two 
missionaries  who  are  now  working  as  parish  priests  or  assis- 
tants in  the  missions  of  the  diocese. 

18* 


282 


AEaiBisHOP  Chapelle  IK  Santa  Fe. 


We  are  sorry  to  learn  that  Archbishop  Chapelle  has  been 
appointed  to  the  See  of  New  Orleans  as  successor  to  the  late 
Archbishop  Janssens.  It  is  our  sincere  wish  that  Archbishop 
Chapelle  may  be  replaced  in  Santa  Fe  by  a  learned  and  zealous 
Bishop. 

Lists  of  Priests  who  Have   Been   Laboring  in  the  Missions  of 
New  Mexico  From  the  Beginning  of  the  American  Rule. 

In  the  fall  of  1851,  when  the  Right  Rev.  J.  B.  Lamy  came 
to  New  Mexico  as  Vicar  Apostolic,  he  found  ten  priests  in  the 
Territor5^     These  were  the  Reverend  Fathers 


Jose  Manuel  Gailegos. 

Jose  de  Jesus  I^eiva. 

Lucero. 

Jose  de  Jesus  Lujan. 

Antonio  de  Jesus  Martinez. 


6.  Vincente   Montano. 

7.  Fernando  Ortiz. 

8.  Juan  Felipe  Ortiz. 

9.  Ramon  Salazar. 

10.  Juan  Trujillo. 


To  these  were  added  successively  the  Reverend  Fathers 


1.  Accorsini,  Joseph. 

2.  Aelterman,  Gillan. 

3.  Avel,  Etienne. 

4.  Bernal,  Pedro. 

5.  Bernard,  Benito. 

6.  Birmingham,  Patrick. 

7.  Boucard,  Francisco. 

8.  Bourdier,  N. 

9.  Brun,  A. 

ID.   Brun,  Carlos. 

11.  Brun,  J.  B. 

12.  Cabello,  N. 

13.  Carpentier,  N. 

14.  Chavez,  Manuel. 

15.  Cooney,  J.  V. 

16.  Coudert,  Jose  Maria. 

17.  Courbon,  Juan  B. 

18.  Defouri,  James. 

19.  Deraches,  Jules. 

20.  Docher,  Antonio. 

21.  Eguillon,  Pedro. 


22.  Faure,  J.  B. 

23.  Fayet,  J.  B. 

24.  Fialon,  Joseph. 

25.  Fleurant,  Miguel. 

26.  Fourchegu,  Antonio, 

27.  Francolon,  J.  B. 

28.  Garcia,  Samuel. 

29.  Gamier,  J.  M. 

30.  Gatignol,  Francisco. 

31.  Gilberton,  Paul. 

32.  Gonrey,  Joseph. 

33.  Gourbeyre,  Alex. 

34.  Gregelowski,  Alex. 

35.  Grom,  Ignacio  Maria. 

36.  Guerin,  J.  B. 

37.  Hayes,  Thomas  Ambrosio. 

38.  Jouvenceau,  Antonio. 

39.  Jouvenceau,  Francisco  X. 

40.  Jouvet,  N. 

41.  Juillard,  George. 

42.  Lassaigne,  Pedro. 


List  of  Pkik.sts. 


283 


43.  L,amy,  Antonio. 

44.  Latour,  Juan. 

45.  IvCStra,  Francisco. 

46.  Machebeuf,  Joseph. 

47.  Mariller,  J.  B. 

48.  Martin,  Pedro. 

49.  Martin,  Philiberto. 

50.  Mathonet,  N. 

51.  Medina,  Ramon. 

52.  Merle,  N. 

53.  Monacum,  Pedro. 

54.  Na^'roUes,  H. 

55.  O'Keefe,  Tim. 

56.  Ortiz,  Eulogio. 

57.  Parisis,  Etienne. 

58.  Paulet,  Eugenio. 

59.  Picard,  Juan. 

60.  Pinard,  Francisco. 

61.  Peyron,  Clemente. 

62.  Pouget,  Henrico. 


63.  Ralliere,  J.  B. 

64.  Ribera,  Manuel. 

65.  Ribera  R. 

66.  Redon,  Augustine. 

67.  Remuson,  lyuciano. 

68.  Rodriguez,  N. 

69.  Rogiers,  Donate. 

70.  Rolli,  Miguel. 

71.  Rousset,  E-  E. 

72.  Salpointe,  J.  B. 

73.  Seux,  Camilo. 

74.  Splinters,  J.  G, 

75.  Tafoya,  Sembrano. 

76.  Taladrid,  Damasco. 

77.  Thowartz,  N. 

78.  Truchard,  Augustine. 

79.  Ussel,  Gabriel. 

80.  Valezy,  Joseph. 

81.  Vassal,  Augustine. 


82.    Vermar,  Antonio. 
83.  Vigil,  Jose  Miguel. 
Total  for  the  period  mentioned,  83. 

The  names  of  the  priests  procured  by  Archbishop  Chapelle 
are  as  follows  : 


1.  S.  Alvernhe. 

2.  C.  Balland. 
C.  Barrau. 
A.  Cazales. 
A.  Cellier. 
F.  Deshores. 
N.  Dumarest. 
J.  Gauthier. 
J.  Giraud. 

10.  F.  Girma. 

11.  Alph.  Haelterman. 
In  all  from  the  beginning  of  the  missionary  work  in  the 

Territory,  372  priests  and  4  Eay  Brothers,  making  in  aU  376. 


C.  Eammert. 

3.  F.  Ee  Guillon. 

4.  A.  Martin. 

5.  M.  Mayeux. 

6.  F.  Mombour. 

7.  T.  Moog. 
M.  Olier. 
Edw.  Paulhan. 
T.  Pelzer. 
A.  Rabeyrolles. 


9' 
20. 
21. 
22.  T.  Roux. 


CHAPTER     XIV. 

The  Sisters  of   Mercy   in   New   Mexico   and  Arizona. 

The  Sisters  of  Mercy  first  came  to  Arizona  and  New 
Mexico  in  1880,  when,  with  the  approval  of  the  Vicar  iVpos- 
tolic,  Rt.  Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe,  and  at  the  invitation  of  Rev.  A. 
Morin,  pastor  of  Messilla,  four  Sisters  took  up  their  residence 
in  a  house  purchased  for  them.  The  first  superior  was  Mother 
Josephine  Brennan,  who  came  from  the  convent  of  Mercy, 
Moate,  Ireland.  To  procure  other  Sisters  to  help  in  teaching 
and  carrying  on  the  work  of  the  Community-,  two  of  the  Sisters 
proceeded  to  Ireland  in  1881.  There  five  postulants  offered 
themselves  for  the  distant  mission,  and  came  to  INIessilla. 

Soon  afterw^ards,  at  the  invitation  of  Rev.  A.  Fourchegu 
and  with  the  approval  of  Most  Rev.  J.  B.  L,amy,  four  Sisters 
went  from  Messilla  to  open  a  house  with  boarding  and  daj- 
schools  at  Los  Alamos,  in  the  Archdiocese  of  Santa  Fe.  This 
was  in  1881,  and  in  1883,  another  house  was  opened  at  Sapello, 
New  Mexico,  with  schools  in  connection  with  it. 

Mother  Josephine  had  been  succeeded,  as  Superior,  by 
Mother  Bernard  Connor,  and  it  was  during  her  term  of  office 
that  the  Sisters  were  invited  to  Silver  Cit}'  by  Rev.  P.  Bourgade, 
who  assisted  them  to  build  a  fine  convent,  with  which  boarding 
and  day  schools  are  connected.  Mother  Bernard  died  of  the 
small-pox,  during  an  epidemic  which  broke  out  in  ^^lessilla. 

From  1883  until  1887,  Mother  Teresa  Connor  was  Superior, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Mother  Paul  O' Grady. 

In  1887,  a  convent  and  school  were  opened  in  El  Paso, 
Texas,   and  were  conducted  by  the  Sisters  until  1892,    when 


Tjie  Sisters  of  Mkrcy.  285 

that  part  of  the  Vicariate  of  Arizona  was  annexed  to  the  diocese 
of  Dallas.  The  Sisters  of  Mercy,  being  connected  with  the 
Arizona  Vicariate,  withdrew  from  El  Paso  and  proceeded  to 
Phoenix,  where  they  took  charge  of  the  parochial  school,  and 
subsequently  opened  a  school  for  boarders  and  select  day 
pupils. 

In  1889,  Mother  Paul  and  Sister  Peter  McTernan  went 
to  Ireland,  and  on  this  occasion  eleven  postulants  offered  them- 
selves, and  came  out  to  Silver  City.  Owing  to  want  of  means, 
the  houses  which  were  opened  temporarily  at  Tucson,  Yuma 
and  Florence  had  to  be  closed  after  a  short  period.  Los  Alamos 
was  also  given  up. 

For  the  care  of  the  sick,  Mercy  Hospitals  were  opened  in 
Silver  City,  Phoenix  and  Prescott.  The  Silver  City  hospital, 
opened  in  1887,  receives  the  sick  poor  of  the  Territory  of  New 
Mexico,  which  gives  an  annual  grant  to  the  hospital.  The 
Phoenix  hospital  was  opened  in  1895,  and  is  conducted  by  four 
Si-sters.  In  1893,  the  Rev.  A.  Quetu  opened  a  hospital  at 
Prescott,  and  engaged  the  Sisters  of  Mercy  to  conduct  it ; 
subsequently,  in  1896,  a  fine  Mercy  Hospital  was  opened  in 
Prescott,  owned  and  conducted  by  the  Sisters. 

The  Sisters  of  Mere}',  like  other  Sisters  who  first  came  to 
the  western  territories  to  take  their  share  in  the  arduous  work 
of  education,  had  to  fight  against  difficulties  of  different  kinds, 
and  more  especially  against  poverty*  which  prevailed  almost 
everj'w^here  ;  hence  the^^  had  to  abandon  many  places  when 
they  saw  they  could  not  make  a  success  of  them.  They 
tried  other  places  pursuant  to  the  advice  of  the  ecclesiastical 
authorit^^  and  succeeded  at  last  in  locating  the  houses  of 
their  Order  in  towns  whose  stability  can  be  relied  upon  and 
where  there  are  pupils  to  teach  and  patients  to  be  taken  care  of. 
In  the  past  three  years  great  numbers  of  consumptives  have 
come  to  Arizona  for  that  cure  or  relief  which  the  magnificent 
climate  ensures,  and  many  of  them  find  a  pleasant  home  in  the 
ISIercy  Hospitals  or  in  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph's  Hospital  at 
Tucson. 


CHAPTER     XV. 

Summary     of     the     Introduction     of     the    Catholic 

Religion    and    Building  of  Churches    in  New  Mexico 

During  the  Colonial  Period. 

We  take  pleasure  in  reproducing,  almost  verbally,  what 
Professor  Charles  F.  Lummis  has  stated  under  the  title  of  this 
chapter  in  his  interesting  book  "The  Spanish  Pioneers",  already 
several  times  mentioned  in  these  Notes  : 

The  first  church,  saj's  our  author,  in  what  is  now  the 
United  States,  was  founded  in  St.  Augustine,  Florida,  by  Fray 
Francisco  de  Pareja,  in  1560.  Brave  missionary'  work  was 
done  by  the  priests  whom  Coronado  brought  to  New  Mexico  in 
1540,  and  we  maj^  add,  in  1581,  by  Fray  Francisco  Lopez,  Fray 
Juan  de  Santa  Maria  and  Brother  Agustin  Ruiz  or  Ramirez, 
though  these  were  soon  killed  by  the  Indians. 

1 .  San  Gabriel  de  los  Espafioles  was  founded  in  Septem- 
ber 1598  by  the  ten  missionaries  who  accompanied  Juan  Onate, 
the  Colonizer. 

2.  Santa  Fe  must  have  been  provided  with  a  church  at 
the  time  of  its  foundation,  or  about  1606,  says  our  author. 
This  church  not  being  able  for  a  long  time  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  the  colony,  Fray  Alonzo  de  Benavides  laid  in  1626 
the  foundation  of  another  which  was  finished  in  1629. 

3.  San  Miguel,  Santa  Fe,  was  built  after  1636.  Partly 
destroyed  in  1680,  it  was  restored  in  17 10. 


Summary.  287 

In  1 617,  three  years  before  Plytaouth  Rock,  there  were 
already  eleven  churches  in  use  in  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe  was 
the  only  Spanish  town,  but  there  were  also  churches  at  the 
dangerous  pueblos  of  Galisteo  and  Pecos,  two  at  Jemez  and 
Taos,  San  Ildefonso,  Santa  Clara,  Sandia,  San  Felipe  and 
Santo  Domingo.  The  churches  in  the  Jemez  pueblo  had  to 
be  abandoned  about  1622,  on  account  of  incessant  harassment 
of  the  Navajos,  but  were  occupied  again  in  1626. 

4.  Zuiii.  This  province  had  missionaries  in  1629,  and 
soon  after  six  churches  in  as  many  of  its  towns.  The  Moqui 
villages  had  their  churches  about  the  same  time. 

5.  San  Antonio  de  Sinecu  had  a  church  founded  in  1629 
by  Fray  Antonio  de  Arteago  "and  the  same  brave  man,  in  the 
same  year,  founded  another,  at  the  pueblo  of  N.  S.  del 

6.  Socorro,  now  the  American  town  of  Socorro. 

7.  Picuries.  "The  church  in  the  pueblo  of  Picuries  was 
built  before  1632,  for  in  that  year.  Fray  Ascencion  de  Zarate 
was  buried  in  it." 

8.  Isleta.     Its  church  was  built  before  1635. 

9.  Pecos.  The  walls  of  its  church  now  in  ruins  "were 
reared  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  years  ago.  The  pueblo, 
orice  the  largest  in  New  Mexico,  was  deserted  in  1840."  Its 
inhabitants,  then  ver\'  few,  joined  themselves  to  the  pueblo  of 
Jemes,  where  some  of  them  are  living  yet. 

10.  El  Paso  del  Norte.  In  1662,  according  to  the  church 
records,  a  mission  was  founded  at  El  Paso  del  Norte  for  the 
"Indianos  Manzos,"  the  tame  Indians,  who  from  the  beginning 

.had  been  faithful  to  the  Spanish  Government. 

11.  Nambe.  "There  was  a  church  at  the  pueblo  of 
Nambe  in  1642." 

12.  Cuaray.  East  of  the  Rio  Grande  "F'ra}-  Geronimo  de 
la  Lana  founded  the  church  of  Cuaray  about  1642."  Here, 
according  to  the  church  MSS.  at  Santa  Fe,  he  died  in  the  year 
1569. 

13.  "Soon  after  Cuaray,  Aba,  Tenabo  and  Tabira  (Gran 
(^uivira)  had  their  churches  which  have  gone  to  ruin  by  the 
revolts  or  the  dispersion  of  the  Indians."     The  ruins  now  seen 


288  Summary. 

at  Gran  Quivira  are  what  remains,  according  to  Mr.  lyummis, 
of  a  second  church  built  between  1660  and  1670  at  about  the 
place  occupied  by  the  first  one. 

14.  Tajique  and  Chilili  "were  probably  built  at  the  same 
time  as  Gran  Quivira  for  the  Indians  who  had  abandoned 
Cuara3^  Abo,  and  Tenabo." 

15.  Acoma  had  its  church  built  in  1629  "besides  all  those 
the  pueblos  of  Zia,  Santa  Ana,  Tesuque,  Pojuaque,  San  Juan, 
San  Marcos,  San  Lazaro,  San  Cristobal  Alameda,  Santa  Cruz 
and  Cochiti  had  each  a  church  in  1680." 

16.  Santa  Fe,  destroyed  in  1680,  was  reestablished  in 
1693  by  Vargas,  with  one  hundred  soldiers  and  seventy  families 
he  brought  from  El  Paso,  eight  hundred  persons  in  all,  count- 
ing the  members  of  the  families  and  their  servants. 

In  1694,  seventy-six  families  were  sent  to  Vargas  by  order 
of  the  Viceroy,  and  added  to  the  Santa  Fe  colony. 

17.  Albuquerque.  The  plans  for  the  building  of  a  church 
at  Albuquerque  were  drawn  in  1780,  as  has  been  seen  by  Rev. 
J.  M.  Coudert  in  the  papers  of  the  church. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX  No.  I. 

Principal  Latitudes  and  Longitudes  Astronomically  Determined 

in  the  Geographical  Map  Drawn  in  I864  Under  the 

Direction  of  Brigadier  General  Carlton. 

LATITUDES.    LONGITUDES. 

Deg.     Min.    Sec.  Deg.  Min.  Sec. 

Albuquerque 35  15  51  105  37  52 

Santa  Fe 33  41  66 

Dona  Ana 32     23     14  100  48  33 

El  Paso  del  Norte 31     44     16  100  25  00 

Antonchico 31      11      n  105  09  45 

Peralta 34     50     57 

Fort  Stanton 33     29     37  105  38  19 

Isleta,   N.  M 34     54     27  106  39  59 

Fort  Craig 33     38     11 

Mouth  of  Salinas  river 33     22     57  122  15  46 

Copper  mines,  Santa  Rita 32     47     53  108  04  40 

Junction  of  Gila  and  Colorado 33     43     32  114  36  09 

Tucson 32     12     55  no  52  55 

Initial  point  of  boundar^^  on  par- 
allel 31  deg.  47  min 31     37     00  106  31  21 

Pueblo  de  Zuni 35     04     03  106  42  44 

Cubero  on  San  Jose  river 35     05     22  107  26  14 

Mouth  of  Williams  Fork 34     17     47  114  00  00 

Initial  point  20  miles  below  Gila 

river 32     29     44  114  48  45 


292 


AppENDrx  No.  rr. 


APPENDIX  No.   II. 
Names  of  the  Persons  who  were  Called  to  Santa  Fe  by  Order  GJ 

the   Viceroy. 


1.  Juan  Lopez  VigiL  32, 

2.  Thomas  Duran.  33. 

3.  Joseph  Duran.  34. 

4.  Domingo  Ribera,  35. 

5.  Vicente  Ribera.  36. 

6.  Joseph  Salvador  Samora.  37. 

7.  Alejandro  Gallegos.  38. 

8.  Joseph  Manuel  Silva.  39, 

9.  Juan  Garcia  Polvora  y   su  40. 

familia  (and  his  family).  41. 

10.  Sebastian  Maldonado,  42. 

11.  Francisco  Griego,  43. 

12.  Miguel  Lopez.  44. 

13.  Cristobal  Serna,  45. 

14.  Pedro  Serna.  46. 

15.  Francisco  Garcia,  47. 

16.  Joseph  Gomez;.  48, 

17.  Juan  de  Herrera.  49. 
Juan  Antonio  de  Herrera.  50. 
Miguel  de  Herrera.  51. 
Nicolas  Gonzales.  52. 
Juan  Louis  Vigil.  53. 


18 

19. 

20. 

21. 

22. 

23- 
24. 

25- 

26. 
27. 
28. 
29. 
30. 
31- 


Bartolo  Martin  y  su  familia.  54. 
Estevan  Gonzales.  55. 

Salvador  Cassillas.  56. 

Joaquin  Gutierres.  57. 

Juan  Felipe  Yaca.  58. 

Baltazar  Yigil  y  su  familia.  59. 
Vicente  Vigil  y  su  familia.  60. 
Juan  Leon  y  su  familia.  61. 
Francisco  Benavides.  62. 

Juan  Tomas  Benavides. 


Raymundo  Ledesma. 
Juan  Jaramillo. 
Joseph  Manuel  Apodaca, 
Mathias  Duran. 
Francisco  Casados. 
Joseph  Pacheco,  Poblano- 
Joseph  Martin. 
Julian  E.  Padilla. 
Francisco  Padilla. 
Juan  Candido. 
Joseph  Marques, 
Juan  Marques. 
Pedro  Marques. 
Asencio  Archuleta, 
Francisco  Garduno, 
Thomas  Angel. 
Juan  Rael  de  Aguilar- 
Joseph  Toscala. 
Anselmo  Mexicano. 
Joseph  Laudnuberun, 
Xavier  Tapia. 
Francisco  Jiron. 
J.  Antonio  de  Vega  y  Coca- 
Joseph  Sanchez, 
Ignacio  Terna  el  Mozo. 
Juan  Bartolo  Romero. 
Diego  Romero  el  Mozo, 
Vicente  Lucero  Jorge. 
Andres  de  Villalpando, 
Juan  Vallejo. 
Pedro  Valdes. 


APPENDIX  No.   Iir. 

Aeta  de  Independencia  del  Imperio, 

La  Nacion  Mexicana  que  por  trescientos  anos  lii  ha  tenido 
voluntad  propia,  ni  libre  el  uso  de  la  voz,  sale  hoy  de  la  opresion 
en  que  ha  vivido. 


Appendix  No.  hi.  293 

Los  heroicos  esfuerzos  de  sus  hijos  han  sido  coronados,  y 
esta  consumada  la  empresa  eternamente  memorable,  que  un 
genio  superior  a  toda  admiracion  y  elogio,  amor  y  gloria  de  su 
patria,  principio  en  Iguala  prosiguio  y  llevo  al  cabo  arrollando 
obstaculos  casi  insuperables. 

Restituida  pues  esta  parte  del  Septentrion  al  ejercicio  de 
cuantos  derechos  le  concedio  el  Autor  de  la  Naturaleza,  y 
reconocen  por  inaj  enables  y  sagrados  las  Naciones  cultas  de 
la  tierra,  en  libertad  del  constituirse  de  modo  que  mas  convenga 
a  su  felicidad,  y  con  representantes  que  puedan  manifestar  su 
voluntad  y  sus  designios,  comienza  a  hacer  uso  de  tan  preciosos 
dones,  y  declara  solemnemente  por  medio  de  la  Junta  Suprema 
del  Imperio,  que  es  Nacion  Soberana  e  Independiente  de  la 
antigua  Espana  con  quien  en  lo  succesivo  no  mantendra  otra 
union  que  la  de  una  amistad  estrecha  en  los  terminos  que 
prescribieren  los  tradados  :  que  entablara  relaciones  amistosas 
con  las  demas  potencias,  ejecutando  respecto  de  ellas  cuantos 
actos  pueden  estan  en  posesion  de  ejecutar  las  otras  Naciones 
Soberanas  :  que  va  a  constituirse  con  arreglo  a  las  bases  que  en 
el  plan  de  Iguala  y  tratado  de  Cordova  establecio  sabiamente  el 
primer  Gefe  del  Ejercito  Imperial  de  las  tres  garantias ;  y  en 
fin,  que  sostendra  a  todo  trance,  y  con  el  sacrificio  de  los  hogares 
y  vidas  de  sus  individuos  (si  fuere  necesario)  esta  solemne 
declaracion  hecha  en  la  Capital  del  Imperio  a  28  de  Septiembre 
de  182 1,   primero  de  la  independencia  Mexicana. 

Agustin  de  Iturbide,  Antonio  Obispo  de  la  Puebla, 
Juan  O-Donojii,  Manuel  de  la  Barcena,  Matias  Monteagudo, 
Isidro  Yaiiez ,  Lie.  Juan  Fransisco  de  Azcarate,  Juan  Jos^ 
Espinosa  de  los  Monteros,  Jose  Maria  Fagoaga,  Jose  Miguel 
Guridi  y  Alcozer,  El  Marques  de  Salvatierra,  El  Conde  de 
Casa  de  Heras  Soto,  Juan  Bautista  Lobo,  Fransisco  Manuel 
Sanchez  de  Tagle ,  Antonio  de  Gama  y  Cordova ,  Jose 
Manuel  Sartorio,  Manuel  Velazquez  de  Leon,  Manuel 
Montes  Argiielles,  Manuel  de  la  Sota  Riva,  El  Marques 
de  San  Juan  de  Rayas,  Jose  Ignacio  Garcia  Illueca,  Jose 
Maria  de  Bustamante,  Jose  Maria  Cervantes  y  Velasco,  Juan 
Cervantes  y  Padilla,  Jose  Manuel  Velazquez  de  la  Cadena, 
Juan  de  Horbegoso,  Nicolas  Campero,  El  Conde  de  Jala  y  de 
Regla,  Jose  Maria  de  Echevers  y  Valdivielso,  Manuel  Martinez 


294  Appendix  No.  iv. 

Mansilla,  Juan  Bautista  Raz  y  Guzman,  Jose  Maria  de  Jauregui, 
Jose  Rafael  Suarez  Bereda,  Anastasio  Bustamante,  Isidro 
Ignacio  de  Icaza.  Juan  Jose  Espinosa  de  L,os  Monteros,  Vocal 
Secretario. 


APPENDIX   No.  IV. 

Infonnacion    dada   al    Gobernador    Fernando    Chacon   por   el 

Rev.  P.  Custodio,  F.  Cayetano,  Jose  Bernal. 

Santa  Fe,   17  de  Setiembre  1794- 

En  las  dos  referidas  Villas  (Santa  Cruz  de  la  Canada  & 
Santa  Fe)  esta  fundada  en  cada  una  de  ellas  la  Venerable  Orden 
Tercera  de  Penitencia,  desde  los  principios  de  la  Reconquista 
de  esta  provincia  con  licencia  de  los  Prelados  de  Nuestra  Sera- 
fica  Religion  como  Superiores  Legitimos  immediatos  de  ella. 

La  Venerable  Orden  Tercera  de  Penitencia  de  N.  S.  P. 
San  Francisco.  Casi  desde  los  principios  de  la  Reconquista, 
(aunque  no  se  sabe  el  ano  fijo)  con  previa  la  licencia  de  los 
Prelados  de  Nuestra  Serafica  Religion  como  Superiores  legitimos 
e  inmediatos  de  ella,  y  a  quienes  solo  pertenece  su  conocimiento 
y  gobierno  como  consta  de  las  muchas  Bulas,  declaratorias  y 
confirmatorias  de  muchos  Romanes  Pontifices,  por  lo  que  la 
pongo  separada  de  las  Cofradias  por  no  tener  nada  de  estas,  y 
por  ser  verdadera  Orden  como  la  primera  que  profesamos  los 
religiosos,  aunque  con  distintas  reglas  y  constituciones.  Estos 
solo  existen  y  ban  existido,  y  existen  a  esmero  de  la  devocion 
de  Ics  hermanos  oos  y  asi  su  fondo  es  aquel  que  se  paga  en  la 
de  la  Canada  la  fiesta  de  San  Louis  Rey  de  Francia  y  la  de  la 
Purisima  Concepcion  como  a  sus  patrones,  y  cantar  cada  mes 
una  misa  en  uno  de  sus  Domingos  con  procesion,  pero  siempre 
esta  empenada,  o  es  necesario  que  el  ministro  haga  las  mas  de 
valde  y  de  pura  devocion  por  no  alcanzar  las  limosnas  por  ser  muy 
pocos  los  3os.  La  de  la  Villa  de  Santa  Fe  invierte  sus  limosnas 
en  pagar  la  Funcion  de  San  Luis,  las  misas  con  procesion  de  los 
Domingos  segundos  de  todos  los  meses  y  el  sermon  de  tres 
caidas  el  Viernes  Santo  que  lo  paga  por  costumbre,  y  comprar 
ceras  de  dichas  funciones  y  aunque  en  esta  santa  3^  Orden 
hay  bastantes  hermanos  siempre  esta  empeiiada  como  puede 
verse. 


Appfxdix  Ko.  v.  295 

APPENDIX  No.  V. 

El  Gobernador  y  Comandante  General  de  Nuevo  Mejico,  a  sus 

hahitantes. 

NuEVO  Mejicanos  :  La  siempre  acreditada  lenidad  que 
en  todas  epocas  y  circunstancias  han  caracterisado  la  benignidad 
del  Gobierno  Mejicano,  cuyo  norte  ha  seguido  el  que  os  dirije 
la  palabra,  desde  que  tiene  el  honor  de  regiros,  como  Gober- 
nador y  Comandante  General  de  este  Departamento,  satisfecho 
de  la  docilidad  de  todos  y  cada  uno  de  sus  habitantes,  no  vacila 
un  solo  momento  en  dirigiros  la  palabra  por  si  acaso  alguno  o 
varios,  seducidos  o  engaiiados  con  promesas  alagiienas,  hubiesen, 
sin  prevision,  abierto  algun  compromiso  asegurando  a  los 
gobernantes  de  Tejas,  que  seran  en  favor  de  ellos  en  la  presente 
lucha  con  Mejico ;  y  aunque  haya  sido  esto,  asegurado  bajo  de 
firma,  o  de  otra  cualesquier  manera,  modo  y  forma,  con  tal  que 
al  presente  y  de  hoy  para  adelante,  acrediten  su  patriotismo, 
adhesion,  lealtad  y  fidelidad  a  nuestro  legitimo  y  paternal 
Gobierno  de  la  RepubHca  Mejicana  a  que  tenemos  el  honor  de 
pertenecer,  a  nombre  del  mismo  es  prometido  solemnemente  y 
bajo  mi  palabra  de  honor,  el  perdon  correspondiente,  sin  que 
por  tal  hecho  os  pare  perjuicio  el  mas  leve,  ni  padezca  el  menor 
menoscabo  la  nacionalidad  y  patriotismo  a  que  por  mil  titulos 
sois  acredores,  como  patrimonio  de  lealtad  que  os  dejaron  de 
herencia  vuestros  antepasados. 

Si,  mis  caros  conciudadanos  y  compatriotas ,  no  es  de 
temerse  y  menos  de  creerse  !  que  con  peligro  de  perder  vuestra 
religion,  patria  y  propiedades,  vacileis  un  solo  momento  en 
estar  a  la  sombra  y  derredor  de  la  bandera  nacional,  >■  que 
arrostrando  todos  los  riesgos  y  ponderados  peligros,  tremolar- 
emos  los  Nuevo  Mejicanos,  (a  pesar  de  las  tramas  de  aquellos 
rivales  y  traidores  los  Tejanos  y  sus  secuaces)  cuyos  leureles  se 
presentaran  al  nivel  y  parangon  de  las  mas  guerreras  naciones 
del  orbe.  Esto  os  promete,  y  con  esto  os  briuda  \niestro 
conciudadano  y  Gefe. 

MANUEL  ARMIJO. 


296  Appendix  No.  vt. 

APPENDIX  No.  VI. 

ARCHDIOCESE  OF  SANTA  FE. 

The  Archdiocese  of  Santa  Fe  comprises  the  Territory  of 
New  Mexico,  Dona  Ana,  Grant  and  Sierra  Counties  excepted. 

The  Archbishop  resides  in  Santa  Fe.  There  are  in  the 
Archdiocese :  47  secular  priests,  and  1 1  priests  of  religious 
orders  ;  38  churches  with  resident  priests  ;  340  missions  ;  2  col- 
leges for  boys  ;  6  academies  :  8  parochial  schools  ;  2  Catholic 
day  schools  for  Indians  ;  2  Catholic  boarding  schools  for  In- 
dians ;  I  orphan  asjdum  ;  2  hospitals.  The  Catholic  popula- 
tion is  estimated  at  135,000,  including  18,000  Indians. 


DIOCESE  OF  TUCSON. 

The  Diocese  of  Tucson  comprises  Arizona  Territory  and 
Doiia  Ana,  Grant  and  Sierra  Counties  in  New  Mexico. 

The  Bishop  resides  in  Tucson.  There  are  in  the  diocese  : 
17  secular  priests;  3  priests  of  religious  orders;  14  churches 
with  resident  priests;  31  missions;  6  academies;  6  parochial 
schools;  I  orphan  asylum;  4  hospitals.  The  Catholic  popu- 
lation is  estimated  at  about  40,000. 


■'■■A 


Girls  of  St.  Boniface's  Indian  vSchool,  Banning,  California. 


Boys  of  St.   Bonifacp:'s  Indian  School,   Banking,  California. 


."^ilirxvilijr    to    SOLDIERS    OF    THE    CROSS.     An  eccleniaxtical  liistory  nj  Arizima  and 
New  Mexico,  bi/  Must  Riv.  J.  B.  Salpointe,  V.  D. 


■Wosl  Rev.  ,X  Ji.   SALPOIPUTE,  TV   D.-,  Archbishop. 

Q^)ied  -July  ]o,  1898 

t)n  Jnly  is'ib,  1898,  'the  Most  Rev.  Johti  IBaptist  Salpointes 
titular  Archbishop  of  Tomi,  formerly  Archbishop 'of  Santa  Fe, 
-and  previously  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Arizona,  -died  at  Tucson, 
•  Arizona.  Little  knowti  to  the  outside  world,  modest,  simple, 
;and  unobtrttsive  with  the  small  circle  of  his  friends,  he  *vas  one 
'of  those  devoted  priests  M'hom,  year  after  >^ar,  Catholic  France 
sends  forth  to  carrj-  the  Gospel  into  distant  lands.  At  the 
time  of  his  death,  Archbishop  Salpointe  had  spent  forty  years 
'of  constant,  patient  and  almost  mi  not  iced  labor  in  t  lie  missions 
«of  Arizona  and  New -Mexico. 

Jolin  Baptist  Salpointe  was  born  in  tlie  'diocese  of  Cler 
mont,  Francev  about  seventy  yeats  ago.  He  was  educated  for 
the  priesthood  of  his  native  diocese^  and  afteV  his  ordination 
was  a  professor  in  ttie  seminary.  Hete  his  life  mi^ht  have 
been  quietly  passed^  were  it  not  for  the  Visit  in  1859  of  Rev. 
P'r,  E-guillon,  a  native  of  Clermont  and  formet  V'icar-Cieneral 
•of  Santa  Fe,  wbo  'came  looking  for  priests  and  students  for  his 
•distant  mission.  It  was  a  great  Change  to  leave  the  quiet 
College  and  turn  to  the  mountains  of  New  Mexico  still 
infested  by  savage  Indians,  but  Fr.  vSalpointe  volunteered,  and 
with    him  several  others  now  all  dead  and  gone. 

The  country  west  of  the  Missouri  was  at  that  time^  1859, 
almost  unknown,  and  we  are  reminded  of  some  events  of  the 
present    war    when  we  hear  that  a  few  years  previous  to  1859, 


aVi-knuix    tio.  Vli. 

when    Bi!*hop    Laruy    was    sent  to  Santa  Fe  as  its  first  bisHop\ 
neither   the   ckrgy    of  Santa   Fe,    no*  the  Mexican  bishop  in 
\Vhose  jurisdiction  Santa' Fe  Sad"  previousi^^  been,. bad  heard    a 
\X'or<i  of  the  appointment-. 

Tlir  jioufiiey    of  Viear-GeneroA  Egnfllon- witfi- Ris*  orerical. 
recruits-,  acroj^S'  the  plailisj,  is-  well  described  in'  thi^- hook.      The 
difficulties- of  the  jouiliey  begair  at  Kansas- City,,  then  a- small, 
village.      The  6r3t  diSficult-y  v'as>on®  that  touched- evenv'body 
Some  one  had  to  cook,- and  who  should  it  be?     Two    Re'';erend. 
(.*ook's  were   duly    appointed.      Then    they    had-  Co  wait    for  a 
caravai>  so  tliat  tbeir  numbers   might  keep*  awasy  the    Indians - 
Buflfalo   bunts,    loss  of  mules    a-nd   other   incidents-  kept   the 
tVaveleys- pretty  bus^'  mi  til  at  last-  they  riea^^hed.  Santa.   Fe- after.' 
.?even$y-on3e' dai^'S''  joufney  fpom  Havre. 

Fat-hef  Salpointe  wa.^  hr3t  engaged  in  feaefiing,.  with  several! 
missions- to  attend  to  at  the  same  time-  I«  r'X6p)'  he  took 
charge  6f  t'he  p^Ti.sh  of  Mora,,  a*  ^"^ery  extensive  missionary 
district.  CbuYch  building,  erection  of  sehool*^  for  the  Sisters- 
of  lyOr^tto,- and  rtthei's' for  tlie  Chfi.'^tian  Brothers^  occiipied  his- 
lime  fn  Mora  In  August.  1864,-  a  call  was  made  for  volun- 
Eeers  for  the  fni.^aions  of  Ari7;ona,  \vhich  was  then  without  a: 
isingle  priest.  Father  Salpointe  ^-a.s  one  of  tho.se  who  volun- 
teered, but  circum'stance.s  delayed  the  journey  until  1866,,  whetr 
K'ifh  tvt^O  othef  priests,  affef  a  long  and  dangerou.s^  journey,. 
F.lthef  Salpointe  affived  iii  Tvicnon .  where  he  ^t  to  work 
treetvng  schools  and  cbiirrhe.s^.- 

T\vo  years  later,  in  1868,  Arizona  ceased  to  f)e  part  of 
the  Santa  Fe  dicCese,-  ai'id  became  a  Vicariate  Apo»tolic,.  witb 
Father  Salpointe  as  its  first  bishop. 

In  1885,  Bishop  Salpoinlse  tra:*  appointed  Coadjutor  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe,  Dr.  Lamy,  and  on  his  resignation  I)r, 
vSalpointe  .-succeeded  to  the  archV^ij^hopric.  His  first  care  wa.*? 
(o  provide  .>cbool.«;  for  the  Indian.s.  and,  at  his  in.^tance,  the 
(lOvernment  gave  contracts  to  .several  Catholic  schools,  Manv 
f»f  these  are  conducted  at  the  sole  eXpen.se  of  Mother  Catherine 
i)rexel  whoSe  charity  tcrwatd  the  friendlej^s  Indian  children  may 
C.od  reward!  In  1891  the  weight  of  increasing  years  made  the 
.\rchbishop  .seek  a    coadjutor,   and  Mgr.  Chapelle  was    appoin- 


AlM'KNDIX     No.     VII. 

tttd,  but    Archbishop    Salpoiiite  froiitiimed    to  act  until    1894., 
■>\vhen  he  retired. 

After 'that  date.  Archbishop  Selpoin'te  ^resided   Eiostly   at 
Tuc«oii    where  he  had   spetit-^o  many  yearfi  of  'his  laborious 

•  life.       Hre  'occupied    his   leisure 'hours  with  the  stud}' of 'the 
"  records  of 'the  early    missions  of  the  Southwest,  and    publisheH 

his  studies  in  this  volume,  pYinted  at  iBo.nning.  California,  by 
•the  Indian  boys  whe  publish    the   MinrUm  -Indian.     Eqjoying 

the  respect  and  affection  of  all    who  kiaeu'  liim,  the   venerable 

Archbishop  lix^ed  at  vSt  Mary's  Hospitfll,  Tucson,  Arizona, 
■until  July  '15th.,  when    be  .passed   away  to  'his    reward.      His 

funeral -took  place  Oft  July   iHth,  when  'the  Remains   were  in- 

tter  red  beneath  the  high  -altar  oft  h£    Cathedral,  Tucson.  At'va. 

The  Vener-able  A>Tohbishop 'retained  his  mental  powers  un 

•  til  he  recmx'ed  the -last  proof-sheet  of -this  book.  He  w^rotetheti 
'to  the  publisher:     '^'There  ought  to  be  made  some  corrections. 

Do  it  yourself,  I  cannot  do  anything  more."  Five  months 
-later  .he  died.    -K.  I.  P 


M(>)ST  R^V.  PEfER  -Jii^URGAnE,  D.  >). 

SV'rc'hbishdp  lif  SmYta  F<»    V(>^n-  MpviiMi 

As  successor  ot  Arc^bisho'p  Sal^6inte,  the  iRng'h't  'keV.  Petet 
^Boutgade  has  been  raised  to  the  dignity  of  Archbishop  of  SantS 
)Fe.  Bishop  Bourgade  is  oi'ie  of  the  pioneers  of  the  Church 
nn  the  southwest.  He  left  his  native  lanxi,  and  -hi?;  friends  and 
people.,  to  come  to  Arizona  in  the  year  T869,  when  the  territory 
-had  on>ly  three  ptiests.  Archbishop  Salpoiifite,  with  whonfj 
Father  Bourgade  came  to  the  west,  had  been  ^appointed  vicar- 
;apostolic  of  Arizona,  irt  "t  868,  and  hkd  at  once  >ieen  the  neeci 
•of  procuring  missionaries.  He  tul^rted  to  FVanCe,  and  near  hi.s 
native  placcv,  he  was  fortunate  in  4^ndin'g  volunteers:  Fathe'r 
Bourgade,,  Father  Chaucot.  now  in  Tucson,  Father  Moriii^  now 
in  Silver  Cityv,  FatheV  Anthony  JouX-enceau^  Father  Bernard, 
Father  Escalier.  They  came  of  course  overland  from  Kansas 
City  across  the  plains,  and  the  Bishop  tells  how  glad  they  were 


<\Een  tired  and  weary  they  came  in  sight  of  the  old  puehlo  of 
Tncson.  Father  Bourg-ade  had  charge  of  several  missions  in 
succession;  Yuma,  San  Elzeario,  and  Silver  City,,  and  in  18S5. 
on  Archbishop  Salpointe'»  succession  to  Saiita  Fe,  Father 
Bourgade  was  made  Bishop  of  Thaumacum,-  in  ]iHrii}m<  in- 
Jidelium  J  with  charge  of  the  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Arizona 
^including  a  considerable  portion  ©f  New  Mexico).  In  189S 
the  Vicariate  was  erected  into  a  regular  diocese,,  with  the  title- 
of  Tucson;,  and  with  Bishop  Bourgade  as  Its  first  Bishop.. 
During  all- these  years,  the  Bishop  bad  labored-  laithfally  and. 
silently  in  the  service  of  God,  dischargijig  the  duties- of  priest, 
pastor  and  bishop  with  edifying  care  and  fidelity.  And  now 
Ihe  words-  are  spoken  %<y  him,  ami  the  reward  given  to  him., 
which  we  read  of  in  the  Gospel:  "Well  done^  good  and  faith- 
ful over  a  few  things,  I  will  place  thee  over  many-'" 

He  is  removed  to  a  portion  which  brings  with  it  honor, 
but  also  very  great  labor  and  additional  responsibility-  That 
the  duties  of  the  arch-episcopal  office  will  be  discharged  by 
His  Grace  tbene\v  .\fcbbi»jbop  needs  no  assurance  to  any  one 
who  is  personally  acquainted  with  bis  Lordship-  Laborious, 
patient,  humble,  the  especial  friend  of  the  poor  and  lowly,. 
zealous  for  souls,  the  Archbis-hop  corresponds  to  the  model 
.'sketched  b\'  St.  PauL  Wherever  the  Bishop  has  made  an  ac- 
quaintance he  has  made  a  friend,  and  his  departure  from  Ari- 
zona will  be  keenly  regretted  by  many.  That  he  may  live 
lid  multos  (innos  in  esteem  and  honor  in  the  Archdioce.se  of 
Santa  Fe  is  our  sincere  wi.sh  to  his  Grace, 


Mis  Grace,  the  Most  Rev.  P.  Bourgade,  D,  D.,  was  offidalh- 
tratisferred  from  the  Episcopal  See  of  Tucson,  Arizona,  to 
the  Metropolitan  See  of  Santa  Fe,  N,  Mex.,  by  a  Rescript 
of  His  Holiness  Pope  Leo  XIIl,  dated  January  7th  1899. 
The  appointment  gave  great  joy  to  both  the  clergy  and 
the  people  of  the  Archdiocese,  whose  choice  had  been  from 
the   beginning  of  the  vacaiic>'.  the  preferred  candidate. 

The  solemn  installation  did  not  take  place  however 
i)efore  the  6th  of  April  of  the  same  year,  which  was,  in 
1899.    Easter    Thursday,       Besides   the    secular  clergy  of  the 


Appkn'dix  No.  VII. 

diocese,  there  were  present,  on  the  occasion,  His  Lordship 
the  Right  Rev.  N.  C.  Matz,  D.  D.,  Bishop  of  Denver,  a 
delegation  from  Arizona,  and  a  number  of  Jesuit  P'athers 
from  Albuquerque  and  Las  Vegas.  A  grand  procession 
was  formed  from  the  R.  R.  station  to  the  Cathedral  in 
which  the  entire  population  took  part.  His  Grace,  escorted  by 
the  Very  Rev.  A.  F'ourchegu,  late  Vicar  General  of  Archbishop 
Chapelle,  the  Hon.  G.  W.  Wallace,  Lieutenant  Governor  of 
New  Mexico  and  a  large  number  of  prominent  men,  passed  in. 
state  through  the  principal  streets  of  the  city,  all  crowded  with 
people,  and  went  directly  to  the  Cathedral.  There,  after  the 
liturgical  prayers  had  been  chanted.  His  Grace  handed  the 
papal  rescript  of  his  nomination  to  the  Ver)-  Rev.  Fourchegu, 
administrator  of  the  diocese,  sede  vacante,  who  in  turn  ordered 
the  Rev.  Y.  B.  Fayer  to  read  it  aloud.  When  this  was  done,  all 
the  clergy  present  at  the  ceremony,  both  secular  and  regular, 
approached  the  throne,  and  kissing  the  ring,  made  their  obedi- 
ence. After  that,  Archbishop  Bourgade,  although  very  much 
affected,  addressed  in  a  most  impressive  manner  his  priests 
and  the  people;  and  his  words  were  so  touching  that  from  that 
moment  he  made  himself  loved  and  respected  by  all  as  a  father 
and  sincere  friend.  The  Te  Deum  was  then  intoned  during 
which  the  procession  formed  again,  and  amidst  the  singing  of 
the  priests,  the  sound  of  the  bells,  and  the  harmony  of  a  good 
music  band.  His  Grace  was  solemnly  escorted  to  his  residence. 
Six  months  later,  on  October  4th  of  the  same  year,  the 
same  being  the  feast  of  St.  Francis,  Patron  of  the  cathedral 
and  of  the  diocese.  Archbishop  Bourgade  was  invested  with 
the  sacred  pallium,  in  his  owti  metropolitan  church,  by  the 
Right  Rev.  N.  Matz,  D.  D.,  Bishop  of  Denver.  There  were 
again,  in  addition  to  the  diocesan  clergy,  special  delegations  of 
priests  from  Arizona,  headed  by  the  Very  Rev.  Edw.  Gerard, 
administrator  of  the  diocese  ol  Tucson,  sede  vacante,  and 
from  Colorado.  The  deacons  of  honor  to  His  Grace  were 
the  Rev.  J.  M.  Coudert,  pastor  of  Bernalillo,  and  the  Rev.  J. 
H.  Defouri,  pastor  of  Las  Vegas;  the  assistant  priest  being  the 
Vicar  General  A.  Fourchegu.  The  Bishop  of  Denver,  cele- 
brating Pontifical  High  Mass,  was  assisted  by  Very  Rev.  E. 
Gerard  of  Tucson,   Ariz.,  as  assistant  priest,  and  by  the  Revs. 


Appendix  So.  Vfl. 

S.  Pefsone,  S.  J.,  of  Trinidad  (Colo.)  and  J.  B.  Ralliereof  Tome, 
as  Deacon  and  Subdeacon.  A  special  choir  of  male  voice» 
sang  the  Mass  of  Dumont,  in  plain-chant,  which  was  de- 
clared magnificent  by  the  vast  audience.  Two  sermons  were 
preached,  one  in  Spanish  by  the  Rev.  A.  Jouvenceau,  of  Park 
View,  New  Mexico;  the  other  by  the  Very  Rev.  P.  Phillips, 
Chancellor  of  the  Denver  Diocese,  who  spoke  in  English.  Con- 
spicuous among  the  clergy  were  three  Franciscan  Fathers,  with 
cowl  and  brown  habit,  whose  presence,  pleasing  to  all,  meant 
the  return  of  the  sons  of  St.  F'rancis  into  the  land  assigned  to 
them,  of  old  ,  b^'  Ferdinand  and  Ysabel. 

The  civil  authorities  of  Santa  F'e,  prominent  among  them, 
the  Governor  Miguel  Otero,  the  District  Judge  McFie  and  the 
Mayor  J.  H.  Sloan  were  present  at  the  conferring  of  the  Pal- 
lium; and  also  at  the  banquet  which  followed,  at  which  about 
one  hundred  guests,  both  lay  and  clerical,  partook  of  the  hos- 
pitality of  His  Grace,  in  the  hall  of  .St.  Michael's  College- 
At  the  end  of  the  repast,  toasts  were  called  by  the  Very  Rev. 
Chancellor  of  Denver,  and  responded  to  b)'  the  following  gentle- 
men :  In  the  name  of  the  Territory,  by  His  Exc,  Governor  M.  A. 
Otero;  in  the  name  of  the  City  of  Santa  Fe,  by  His  Honor,  the 
Mayor,  J.  H.  Sloan;  as  a  representative  of  the  English  speaking 
Catholics,  by  the  Hon.  P.  J.  Victory,  late  Solicitor- General;  in 
behalf  of  the  Spanish  people,  by  Don  Octaviano  Larrazola;  and 
last,  but  not  least,  representing  the  ecclesiastical  province,  by 
His  Eordship,  the  Bishop  of  Denver. 

May  His  Grace,  the  Most  Rev.  Archbishop  Bourgade,  set- 
as  a  Metropolitan,  the  years  of  the  Venerable  Archbishop 
Lamy  by  whom  he  was  made  a  priest,  and  consecrated  a 
Bishop,  and  whose  third  successor  in  Santa  Fe  he  is. 

Right  Rev.  HENRY  GRAN  J  ON,  I).  D. 

iJisliop  ol  Thcsou,  -Ariz. 

His  Holiness,  Pope  Leo  XHI.,  appointed  the  Rt.  Rev. 
Henr^'  Granjon  Bishop  of  Tucson,  Arizona.  After  the 
departure  of  Archbishop  Bourgade  from  Tucson,  Very  Rev. 
E.  Gerard  was  administrator  of  the  diocese.      The  appointment 


An  KNDix  No.  VII. 

of  the  new  bishop  occurred  in  March,  1900,  and  on  June  17, 
1900,  Right  Rev.  Henr^^  Granjon  was  consecrated  Bishop  by 
by  His  Eminence,  Cardinal  J.  Gibbons,  in  the  venerable 
Cathedral  of  Baltimore. 

The  services  of  consecration  began  at  10  o'clock  and  lasted 
about  three  hours.  Owing  to  the  inclement  weather  the  pro- 
cession from  the  Cardinal's  residence  to  the  Cathedral,  'Ahich 
is  customar}'^  on  such  occasions,  had  to  be  abandoned.  Those 
who  were  to  take  part  in  the  ceremon}-,  however,  gathered  in 
the  sacristy  of  the  Cathedral  and  marched  thence  in  procession 
down  the  side  aisle  and  up  the  main  aisle  into  the  sanctuary'. 

When  the  procession  entered,  the  pews  in  the  Cathedral  were 
only  partly  filled,  but  after  about  half  an  hour  they  were  rap- 
idly occupied  and  it  became  necessary  to  place  chairs  in  one  of 
the  side  aisles.  A  number  of  prominent  people  occupied  the 
pews  nearest  the  sanctuary,  in  one  of  which  sat  the  French 
embassador,  Mr.  Jules  Cambon,  and  Messrs.  Jules  Boentoe  and 
Olivier  Taigny,    of  the  French  embassy's  staff  in  Washington. 

The  Cardinal  having  proceeded  from  his  throne  to  a  seat  at 
the  foot  of  the  altar,  which  was  brilliant  with  hundreds  of 
candles  and  heavily  laden  with  white  lilies,  the  services  began. 
The  Bishop-elect,  who  was  vested  in  stole,  amice,  cincture,  alb 
and  cope,  was  led  from  his  seat  and  was  formally  presented  to 
the  Cardinal  for  consecration  by  the  assistant  Bishops  Allen 
and  Monoghan,  who  were  clothed  in  capes  and  wore  mitres. 

The  Papal  commission  in  Latin  having  been  read  by  the 
consecrator's  notary,  Rev.  Dr.  Magnien,  presidentof  St.  Mary's 
Seminary,  the  Cardinal  received  the  required  pledges  of  the 
Bishop-elect,  who  stood  before  him  with  head  uncovered. 
Then  followed  a  long  examination  on  points  of  Catholic  faith. 
After  the  vesting  of  Bishop  Granjon  and  the  usual  ceremonies, 
performed  by  the  Cardinal,  the  newly  consecrated  Bishop, 
staff  in  hand,  passed  down  the  main  aisle  blessing  the  people. 
On  his  return  to  the  sanctuary  he  concluded  the  services  by 
blessing  the  people  from  the  altar. 

The  sermon  was  preached  by  Rev.  Dr.  Joseph  \'.  Tracy. 
professor  of  Scripture  in  Brighton  Seminary,  Boston,  Mass. 
In  it  he  was  short  and  to  the  point,  dwelling  upon  the  serious- 
ness and  surpassing  interest    of  the  ceremony  of  consecrating  a 


ArrK.NDix  Ko.  VII. 

bishop.  He  also  presented  certain  aspects  of  the  episcopal 
office  and  concluded  by  pajdng  a  high  tribute  to  the  honest 
humilit}^  and  simple  devotion  of  Bishop  Granjon. 

The  following  priests  from  Arizona  were  present:  Ver>' 
Rev.  Edward  Gerard,  administrator  of  the  diocese,  and  Rev. 
Peter  Timmerman,  of  Clifton,  Ariz. 

Bishop  Granjon  reached  Tucson  on  July  5th,  taking 
charge  of  his  See. 

Bishop  Granjon  was  born  in  Lyons,  France,  in  1863  and  is 
of  a  distinguished  famil}'.  He  studied  philosophy  and  theology 
in  the  Sulpician  Seminaries  of  Paris  and  Issy,  afterwards  going 
to  Rome.  He  graduated  there  in  divinity  from  the  ApoUinare 
University,  and  in  canon  law  from  the  Minerva  University.  In 
1887  he  was  ordained  a  priest.  At  the  ceremony  of  his  ordi- 
nation he  met  Archbishop  Bourgade,  then  Vicar  Apostolic  of 
Arizona,  who  was  in  Europe  recruiting  missionaries  for  Ari- 
zona. Bishop  Granjon  volunteered  to  go  as  a  missionary  to 
Arizona,  w^here  he  labored  from  1890  to  1897.  Three  years 
ago  he  was  summoned  to  Baltimore  and  placed  in  charge  of 
the  Association  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith,  with  residence 
at  St.  Marj^'s  Seminar^'.  Bishop  Granjon  possesses  a  good 
phj'sique  and  a  hearty,  genial  manner,  together  with  an  un- 
bounded apostolic  zeal.  May  his  episcopal  career  abound  to 
the  greater  glon,-  of  God,  and  the  salvation  of  his  flock  ! 


VERY  REV.  FRANCIS  JOUVENCEAU. 

Died  .July,  1900. 

Very  Rev.  P'rancis  Jouvenceau  died  in  July,  1900,  at  the 
St.  Mary's  Hospital,  Tucson,  Arizona.  He  came  to  New- 
Mexico  in  1859  and  in  1866  he  entered  upon  the  missionary 
territory  of  Arizona.  He  had  been  a  priest  for  forty  five  years 
when  he  died.  Father  Francis  Jouvenceau  was  an  unselfish, 
zealous,  pious,  saintly,  heroic  pioneer  priest. 


(These  notes,  Appendix  No.  VII,  were  added  in  .September  1900.    The  Publisher.) 


INDEX     TO     ILLUSTRATIONS. 


I.  The  Road  to  the  Pueblo  of  Acoma,  in  1846 opposite 

II.  Papago  Indian  Camp ,, 

III.  Dwelling  of  Papago  Indians „ 

IV.  Wolpi 

V.  Taos , 

VI.  Opuntia  Cholla 

VII.  Giant  Cactus „ 

VIII.  An  ancient  Spanish  Crucifix , 

IX.  Old  Cathedral  of  Santa  Fe 

X.  Santa  Cruz  Church ,, 

XI.  Cathedral  of  Santa  Fe , 

XII.  Old  San  Miguel  Church 

XIII.  Church  of  Nuestia  Seiiora  de  los  Dolores 

XIV.  Interior  of  the  Church  of  Albuquerque „ 

XV.  Christian  Brothers'  College,  Santa  Fe 

XVI.  Chapel  of  Our  Lady  of  Lourdes ,, 

XVII.  St.  Catherine's  Industrial  Indian  School 

XVIII.  Church  of  San  Juan 

XIX.  Loretta  Academy  of  Our  Lady  of  Light 

XX.  St.  Michael's  College,  Santa  Fe,  erected   1887 

XXI.  Most  Rev.  J.  B.  Lamy,   D.  D 

XXII.  MostRev.  J.  B.Salpointe,   DD.,  opposite  title  page. 

XXIII.  Right  Rev.  J.  P.  Machebeuf,  D.  D 

XXIV.  Most  Rev.  Placide  L.  Chapelle,  D.  D , 

XXV.  Right  Rev.  N.  Ch.  Matz,  D.  D 

XXVI.  Right  Rev.  P.  Bourgade,  D.  D 

XXVII.  Old  Cathedral  of  Tucson 

XXVIII.  New  Cathedral  of  Tucson 

XXIX.  Old  Mission  at  Tucson 

XXX.  Church  of  the  IniniHculate  Heart  of  Jfary „ 

XXXI.  Sacred  Heart  Church  and  School,  Pres(ott 

XXXII.  ('hurch  of  Flagstaff 

XXXIII.    Franciscan   Monastery,   Phcenix , 

XXXIV^  Franciscan  Fathers,  Phoenix ,, 

XXXV.  Casa  Grande 

XXXVI.  Casa  Grande 

XXXVII.  San  Xavier  Mission,  near  Tucson 

XXXVIII.  Very  Rev.  E.  Gerard,   Vicar  General  

XXXIX.  St.  Mary's  Hospital,  Tucson 

XL.  St.  Mary's  Hospital,  Tucson 

XLI.  Indian  Village,  (Pueblo) 

XLII.  Indian  Village,  (Pueblo) 

XLIII.  Very  Rev.  F.  X.  Jouvenceau 

XLIV.  Interior  of  San  Xavier's  Church,  Tucson,  Ariz 

XLV.  Indian  Girls  of  Wolpi 


page  16 
17 
17 
24 
24 
25 
25 
48 
49 
49 
56 
57 
57 
80 
80 
81 
88 
88 
89 
89 
„      112 

„  120 

„  144 

,,  152 

,,  176 

,,  184 

„  184 

„  I8.J 

„  185 

,,  208 

„  208 

„  209 

„  209 

„  216 

„  216 

,.  217 

„  240 

„  241 

„  241 

„  248 

„  249 

„  272 

„  280 

.,  -W 


5t.  Boniface's  Industrial  Schnol.  Rannint;.  r'alifnrnia 


INDEX. 


fThe  numbers  indicate  the  pages  referred  to.    Numbers  like  246-7,  245,  -7,  refer  to  pages 

U6  and  21,7.) 


Archives  of  Santa  Fe  52,  99. 

Arizona  (see  also  Nevv  Mexico,  Indians, 
missionaries, schools, Indian  legends) 
3;  early  explorers  5,  6,  9,  27,  32,  129; 
Grand  Canon,  Colorado  and  Gila  in 
1640  and  1604,  p.  51;  Moquis  in  1680, 
69;  Jesuits  come  in  1687,  131,  Indian 
revolt —Jesuits  retire  and  Francis- 
cans arrive  in  1767,  143;  expulsion 
of  missionaries,  180,  226;  purchased 
by  U.  S.  191  ;  becomes  part  of  Santa 
Fe  diocese  224;  Jesuit  missionaries 
come  240;  French  missionaries  come 
241;  becomes  Vicariate  Apostolic,  259, 
261;  diocese  of  Tucson,  296. 

Authorities  quoted  :  Alarcon  1,  Ban- 
croft 2,  Bandelier  30,  117,  Benavides 
64,  Castaneda  16,  Civezza  26,  71, 
Cronica  Seraphica  6,  64,  74,  Defouri 
71,  Documentos  etc.  78,  Ensayo 
Cronologico  62,  J.  Gilmary  Shea  41, 
Hittel  15 ,  Jaramillo  16,  34,  36,  Joly 
136,  Lummis  40,  48,  114,  286,  Kiel  67, 
O'Gorman  131,  O'Ryan  and  Malone 
229,  old  church-documents  96,  Ortega 

130,  Phillips  229,  Rudo  Ensayo  130, 
Salmeron  43,  48,  52,  Solorzano  3,  State 
Documents   96,   Vargas   73,   Velasco 

131,  Veles  Escalante  52. 
Bourgade,    Right   Rev,     Bishop,    260, 

266,  268,  271,  284, 

California  101, 

Casa  Grande  ruins  134. 

Census  taken  in  1789,  102. 

Chapelle ,  Archbishop,  278,  -9,  281. 


Christian  Brothers  211,  221,  237,  274. 

Churches  first  built  in  New  Mexico 
48,  50,  52.  In  1617  there  were  eleven 
churches,  53,  in  1629  forty-three  44, 
286.    In  Arizona  131,  13.3. 

Churches,  how  built  and  maintained 

182,  -3. 
Colorado  100,  105,  191,  228,  224. 
Crossing  the  plains  107,  203,  212,  257. 
Diocese  of  Santa  Fe  (see  New  Mexico) 

223,   224,   becomes  Archdiocese  265, 

statistics  296,  257. 
Diocese  of  Denver  228. 
Diocese  of  Tucson  (see  Arizona)  296. 
Drexel,  Mother  Catherine,  273,  -4. 
Franciscans  ,  (see  missionaries)  51,  54, 

127. 
Franciscans,  Third  Order  161. 
Hospitals,  Sisters',  268,  285. 
Huguenots  and  Apaches  87. 

Indians :  ethnology,  early  traditions 
3,  4,  villages,  industries  16, 18,  houses 
17,  mounds  14,  ruins  i34,  135,  dress 
19,  methods  of  attack  97,  257,  of  cross- 
ing ruins  5,  burials,  cremation,  idea 
of  the  soul,  legends  of  owl,  coyote, 
eagle,  3,  9,  12,  medicine-men  13, 
witchcraft  140,  150,  dances  20,  93,  115, 
sun-worship  19,  religious  ideas,  god 
Moctezuma  8, 19,  46,  51,  idols,  human 
sacrifices  14,  19,  68,  71,  women  11, 
morality  8,  polygamy  7,  marriage 
and  divorce  11, 17,  184,  tribes' govern- 
ment 17,  21,  22,  23, 150. 


298 


Index. 


ludiau    tribes    and   villages    of   Kew 
Mexico  and  Arizona:    Acoma  34,  59, 
64,  75,  2&S,  Aijaos  62,  Algodones  329, 
Apaches  13,  53,  -5, 61,  87,  96, 133,  -4, 147, 
-8,  192,  267  ,    Comanches   53,  96,  101, 
Cipias  62,  Galisteo  36,  44,  50,  53,  72,  74, 
92,  Jemes  20,    49,    58,    64,  72,  75,  83, 
Isleta  (Tiguas)  and  Laguna  35,  39,  42, 
49,  70,  72,  84,  287,  Manzos  55,  62,  Mari- 
copas  131,  Moquis  33,  -4,  51,  60,  65,  68, 
70,  72,  76,  90,  94,  101,  Navajos  61,  76,  87, 
i02,  106,  147,  -8, 176,  Papagos  4,  12, 13, 
132,  150,   Pecos  36,  49,  53,  57,  72,  74,  85, 
149,  287,  Picuries  and  Taos  49,  50,  53, 
59,  72,  -4, 99, 135,  177,  287,  Pimas  3,  8,  9, 
10,    13,    132,    140,    141,     Piros    55,    65, 
Queres  49,  57,  72,  75,  Quivira  36,  50, 
53, 287,  Sandia  43,  -5,  Taos  see  Picuries, 
Tanos  57,  Tompiros  57,  146,  Vaqueros 
61,  Xumana  61,  Yumas  5,  7,  8, 12,  131, 
141,  -2,    Yutas  53, 100,  170,   Zia  49,  71, 
72,  75,  85,   Zuni  32,   33,  51,  60,  62,  65, 
72,  75,  89,  287. 
Indiana ,   conquered  by  Spanish   (see 
Spanish    explorers) ;    revolt  63 ,  81, 
86,  in  trade  98,  treatment  by  Spanish 
110,  113,  dealings  with  missionaries 
59,  118, 183,  population  146,  9,  towards 
settlers  169,  present  Indian  popula- 
tion 150,  296,  schools  for  272,  -4. 
Jesuits  in  Sonera  and  Arizona    (1681) 
p.  130,  131,     expelled  (1767)  134,    in 
Arizona  (1863)  240,  in  New  Mexico 
(1866)    257,     in    California    137,     in 
Colorado  230. 
l.amy.    Archbishop,   194,    206,  219,  229, 

234,  265,  275. 
Machebeuf,    Right  Rev.  Bishop,  196, 

224-9,  236,  260. 
Matz  ,  Right  Rev.  Bishop,  279. 
Mexican  Independence  (1821)  110,  ex- 
pulsion of  missionaries  143,  Mex. 
empire  153,  -8,  republic  159,  war 
with  U.  S.  and  cession  of  New 
Mexico  172,  -8. 

Missionaries  of  New  Mexico:  Spanish 
Franciscans  (1538-1821)  p.  26,  41,  42, 
44,  45 ,}  see  complete  list  123 ,  mar- 
tyred by  the  Indians  123,  expelled 
by  Mexican  government  143,  161, 
164,  Mexican  missionaries  160,  165, 
179,  193,  196,  208,  Vicar  Apostolic 
Lamy  appointed  (1850)  194,  195,  and 
missionaries  come  from  France 
196,  207,  211,  see  complete  list  282, 
-3,  miissions  become  diocese  of  Santa 


Fe  206,  parishes  223,  created  an 
archdiocese  265 ,  Archbishop  Sal- 
pointe  272,  Archbishop  Chapelle 
279,  Jesuit  Fathers  257,  -8. 
Missionaries  of  Arizona:  Spanish 
Franciscans  (1538)  p.  5,  (1604)  p.  51, 
(1680)  p.  69,  Spanish  Jesuits  (1687), 
131,  134,  144,  martyred  132,  133,  142, 
Spanish  Franciscans  come  (1767)  139: 
and  were  expelled  (1827)  143; 
attended  by  Mexican  priests  185, 
226;  annexed  to  Santa  Fe  224,  visited 
by  Fr.  Machebeuf  224,  Jesuit  Fathers 
240,  French  missionaries:  Frs.  Las- 
saigne  241,  261,  Bernai  241,  Salpointe 
Boucard,  Birmingham  242.  Vica- 
riate Apostolic  created  259,  more 
missionaries :  Rev.  F.  Jouvenceau 
259,  Bourgade,  A  Jouvenceau,  Morin, 
Bernard,  Chaucot,  Escalier  260,  -1, 
Ruellan263,  Dommergue  264,  Grangs 
266,  Badilla  269;  Gerard,  Deraches, 
Stagnon  270;  Gallagher,  Bloise,  271; 
Quetu  285;  Vicariate  becomes  diocese 
of  Tucson,  Statistics  296. 
Missions    how   supported   127,  -8,  143, 

182,  -S;  property  confiscated  165,  180. 
Missionaries    and    Indians     127,    118, 

58,  69. 
Missionary  life  223,  238,  -9,  255,  -6. 
Missions  in  1617  p.  53,    in  1626  p.  54, 

at  present  296. 
New  Mexico:  first  called  Cibola  25, 
why?  32,  expedition  of  Spanish  ex- 
plorers (1530)  25,  (1536)  26,  (1540)  33, 
(1582)  45,  (1596)  47;  named  New 
Mexico  46,  Santa  Fe  founded  (1605) 
51,  governors  of  New  Mexico  see 
ofiBcials,  Indian  revolts  63,  81,  86, 
coming  of  traders  (1744)  97,  Spanish 
rule  ends  109,  Mexican  rule  153, 
159,  New  Mexico  created  a  Mexican 
Territory  164.  revolts  166,  invaded 
by  United  States  176,  revolts  against 
United  States  176,  ceded  to  United 
States  (1848)  178,  becomes  United 
States  territory  191,  Arizona  and 
Colorado  added  191,  Vicariate  Apos- 
tolic 194,  a  diocese  206,  (see  Indians, 
missions.) 
Officials  of  New  Mexico:  Spanish  gov- 
ernors (1645-1822)  52,  72,  73,  89,  106; 
Mexican  governors  (1822-1848)  163, 
173;  United  States  governors  (1848- 
1898)  192,  193. 
Orphan  asylum  of  Tucson  264, 


Index. 


299 


Pallium     conferred     on  Archbishops 

Lamy  and  Chapelle  265,  279. 
"Penitentes"  of  New  Mexico,  origin 
of,  condemned  by  the  Church  161,  -3. 
Places  in  New  Mexico  mentioned 
(see  also  Indian  tribes  and  villages): 
Alameda  71 ,  Albuquerque  91,  258, 
288,  Belen  160,  207,  Bernalillo  40,  90, 
258,  266,  273,  CeboUeta  99,  Chilili  57, 
Cochiti,  71,  72,  75,  Gran  Quivira  53, 
62,  287,  Is!  eta  70,  93,  La  Joya  55, 
Las  Vegas  274,  Los  Alamos  284,  Mora 
284,  Pilabo  56,  Puaray  43, 49,  71,  Ouarac 
99,  San  Felipe  53,  57,  71,  72,  75,  85, 
96,  San  Gabriel  50,  San  Juan  84,  277, 
281,  San  Ildefouso  53,  58,  72,  84,  87, 
San  Geronimo  61,  Sandia  53,  56,  71, 
98,  Santa  Ana  59,  71,  75,  85,  96,  Santa 
Clara  53,  61,  72,  84,  Santa  Cruz  86, 
Santa  Fe  in  1605,  51,  52;  in  1629,  57, 
-8;  beseiged  in  1680,  65  ;  and  in  1692, 
73;  battle  of  81,  83,  85;  churches  99, 
160;  taken  by  General  Kearney  173; 
churches  and  schools  204;  diocese 
Of  205,  -8,  220,  240,  261 ,  278,  286,  296, 
Santo  Domingo  53,  75,  86,  Senecu  56, 
70,  72,  147,  Sevilleta  56,  Socorro  56, 
72,  Trinidad  235.  In  diocese  of 
Arizona  Isleta  263,  La  Mesa  266,  Las 
Cruces  262,  -3,  Messilla  263,  Sapello 
222,  S38,  2Si,  Silver  City  ^70,  SSI,, 
Tularosa  262. 
Places  in  Arizona  mentioned  (see 
Indian  tribes)  :  Arivaca  133,  Benson 
S/,0,  Calabazas  US,  Casa  Grande  iS2, 
Colorado  river  SA,  51,  US,  Florence 
271,  Gila  river  51,  131,  IM,  Guevavi 
131,  La  Paz  253,  Phoenix  270,  27/,  SS5, 
Prescott  21,0,  270,  2S5,  San  Xavier  131, 
133,  Ul,  W2,  US,  181,  1S5-S,  St.  John's 
S69,  Tempe  270,  Tombstone  S71,  Tubac 
ISl,  185,  Tucson  131,  133,  wall  built 
by  Franciscans  Ul,  presidio  built 
SU,  churches  etc.  225,  226,  2W,  21,8, 
250,  -A,  266,  271,  Tumacucuri  133,  Ul, 
181,  Yuma  (see  Yuma  Indians)  1,  529, 
SS6,  250,  -S,  259,  26/,. 


Plague  in  Arizona  256. 

Population   of  the   missions  102,  11,6, 

-9,  296. 
Pueblos  see  Indian  villages. 
Raverdy,  "Very  Rev.  Father,  211, 228,  231. 

Salpointe,  Arjhbishop;  comes  from 
France  211,  221;  in  Santa  Fe  221,  in 
Mora  2:^4,  -9,  goes  to  Arizona  242, 
258;  Vicar  Apostolic  259,  267;  Arch- 
bishop in  Santa  Fe  272,  retires  279. 

Salutations  in  Spanish  199. 

ScUooIs  in  Mexico  in  J524,  120;  in  1717, 
95,  106;  in  1717  in  Santa  Fe  160,  204; 
San  Xavier  251,  264;  Tucson  251,  -3, 

262,  266;  Yuma  264,  Las  Cruces  262, 
Prescott  264,  Phrenix,  285,  Messilla, 
Los  Alamos,  Sapello,  Silver  City, 
284.    See  Sisters'  Schools. 

Sisters  of  Charity  209;  of  the  Good 
Shepherd  230;  of  Loretto  202,  230, 
237,  238,  249,  257,  262,  266,  268,  273; 
of  Mercy  284,  -5;  of  St.  Joseph  262, 
264,  268. 

Spanish    explorers    (1530-1696)   25,     47; 

adventurers   109;   governments  112; 

treatment     of     Indians     110,     US; 

Spanish  and  religious  115,  116,  118; 

Spanish   power   ends    109;   Spanish 

refuse     Mexican     citizenship     and 

are  expelled  l6ii. 
Texas  70,  73,  75,  77,  78,  98,  127,  U7,  172, 

263,  284,   287. 

Traders  with  New  Mexico  97,  103,  106, 
-7,  m. 

Traveling  in  early  days  195,  198,  241, 
254. 

United  States  purchase  Louisiana  lOS, 
approach  New  Mexico  lOU,  traders 
encroach  on  New  Mexico  168,  -9, 
annex  Texas  172,  invade  New  Mexi- 
co 173,  purchase  Arizona  and 
Colorado  191. 

Vtsih,  230,  233.    See  Indians,  Yutas. 


CORRECTIONS ; 


Page  26,  line  6  for  1528  read  1538. 

Page  123  line  17  after  Buenaventura  add  :      "who  is  called  Bustamente  on 
page  47." 

Page  139  line  11  for  1667  read  1767. 


c 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

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